XI.
Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. et ille varie diserebat de magnitudine imperii sua modestia. solam divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus. proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. plus in oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei erat; Tiberioque etiam in rebus quas non occuleret, seu natura sive adsuetudine, suspensa semper et obscura verba: tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur. at patres, quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur, in questus lacrimas vota effundi; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusti, ad genua ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique iussit. opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam.
11.
All prayers were now addressed to Tiberius, but he kept talking about the gigantic size of the empire and his own inadequacy. Only Augustus’ great mind, he would explain, was equal to the task of ruling the world. As to himself, called by Augustus to share part of the burden, he had learnt from experience how arduous, how subject to the whims of fortune, was to be in charge of all things. Accordingly, in a state furnished with so many excellent men, they ought not to pile all responsibilities on one man only: several men, by uniting their efforts, were to carry the weight of governing. Such talk had more high form than true substance. Even in things he did not intend to hide, Tiberius, be that his nature or his habit, always expressed himself in an obscure and evasive manner. On this occasion, in his effort to hide the true meaning of his words, he enveloped them in even more ambiguity and uncertainty. The senators, on the other hand, who feared one things above all others, to be seen as having understood his game, resorted to lamentations, tears, and prayers, to tending their hands to heaven and the statue of Augustus, to clasping the knees of Tiberius, until he gave orders that a certain document be brought and read. This was a register of the resources of the state, of the number of citizens and allies under arms, a list of the fleets, kingdoms, provinces of the empire, a record of the tributes and taxes, of disbursements, and gratuities. Augustus had written all of that in his own hand, with the added caveat not to extend the empire beyond the existing limits. It is not clear whether the decision was motivated by prudence or by fear of being outdone.
XII.
Inter quae senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parem, ita quaecumque pars sibi mandaretur eius tutelam suscepturum. tum Asinius Gallus’ interrogo ‘ inquit, ‘Caesar, quam partem rei publicae mandari tibi velis.’ perculsus inprovisa interrogatione paulum reticuit: dein collecto animo respondit nequaquam decorum pudori suo legere aliquid aut evitare ex eo cui in universum excusari mallet. rursum Gallus (etenim vultu offensionem coniectaverat) non idcirco interrogatum ait, ut divideret quae separari nequirent sed ut sua confessione argueretur unum esse rei publicae corpus atque unius animo regendum. addidit laudem de Augusto Tiberiumque ipsum victoriarum suarum quaeque in toga per tot annos egregie fecisset admonuit. nec ideo iram eius lenivit, pridem invisus, tamquam ducta in matrimonium Vipsania M. Agrippae filia, quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat, plus quam civilia agitaret Pollionisque Asinii patris foreciam retineret.
12.
The senators kept demeaning themselves with servile supplications, when Tiberius happened to say that since he was not up to shouldering the entire weight of ruling the empire, he would accept the care of whatever part of the government that would be assigned to him. At that Asinius Gallus asked what part he would prefer to have. Disconcerted by the sudden question, he was silent for some moments, then, regaining control, answered it was not becoming for him to choose or reject anything from what on the whole he would prefer to entirely excuse himself. To which Gallus replied (he had in fact seen from Tiberius’ expression that he was offended) that his question did not aim at dividing what was inseparable, but to make evident from his (Tiberius’) very admission that the body of the state was one, thus governable by one mind only. He added words in praise of Augustus and reminded Tiberius himself of his victories and of all his accomplishments during his long political career. But Tiberius’ anger was not placated by this. He had not liked Gallus for a long time, thinking that he, after his marriage with Vipsania, Marcus Agrippa’s daughter and his own ex-wife, had ambitions above those of a private citizen and conserved all the haughty arrogance of his father, Asinius Pollio.
XIII.
Post quae L. Arruntius haud multum discrepans a Galli oratione perinde offendit, quamquam Tiberio nulla vetus in Arruntium ira: sed divitem, promptum, artibus egregiis et pari fama publice, suspectabat. quippe Augustus supremis sermonibus cum tractaret quinam adipisci principem locum suffecturi abnuerent aut inpares vellent vel idem possent cuperentque, M’. Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspernantem, Gallum Asinium avidum et minorem, L. Arruntium non indignum et si casus daretur ausurum. de prioribus consentitur, pro Arruntio quidam Cn. Pisonem tradidere; omnesque praeter Lepidum variis mox criminibus struente Tiberio circumventi sunt. etiam Q. Haterius et Mamercus Scaurus suspicacem animum perstrinxere, Haterius cum dixisset ‘quo usque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rei publicae?’ Scaurus quia dixerat spem esse ex eo non inritas fore senatus preces quod relationi consulum iure tribuniciae potestatis non intercessisset. in Haterium statim invectus est; Scaurum, cui inplacabilius irascebatur, silentio tramisit. fessusque clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum flexit paulatim, non ut fateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut negare et rogari desineret. constat Haterium, cum deprecandi causa Palatium introisset ambulantisque Tiberii genua advolveretur, prope a militibus interfectum quia Tiberius casu an manibus eius inpeditus prociderat. neque tamen periculo talis viri mitigatus est, donec Haterius Augustam oraret eiusque curatissimis precibus protegeretur.
13.
After this, Lucius Arruntius, with words not much different from those of Gallus, offended him in the same way, though Tiberius had no ancient rancor against him; but he suspected the rich, quick-witted, talented man with a reputation in keeping with his qualities. The fact is that Augustus, in a conversation he had just before his death, while speculating who with the capacity to replace him would have rejected the role, or who though incapable would have coveted it, or who could and would take his place, had said that Marcus Lepidus had the talent but not the interest, Asinius Gallus was eager but inferior, Lucius Arruntius not unworthy and, given the occasion, willing to dare. There is agreement on the names of the first two, but other sources have Gnaeus Piso in place of Arruntius. All except Lepidus became later the targets of accusations, victims of traps set by Tiberius. Even Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus nettled that suspicious nature: Haterius by asking him how long he would suffer the state to remain without a head, Scaurus because he had said of being hopeful that the prayers of the senate would not be In vain, since Tiberius had nod opposed his veto to the proposal of the consuls, as he could have done using his tribunitial powers. Against Haterius he reacted at once angrily; Scaurus, against whom he nursed a hatred more implacable, he ignored without a single word. At last, tired of the general outcry, he bent little by little at the insistence of individual citizens, not so far as admitting his intention to assume imperial powers, but enough at least to put an end to his refusals and to the supplications. It is given as a fact that Haterius, after entering the imperial palace to ask forgiveness, while attempting to embrace the knees of Tibereius, who was walking by, was almost struck down by the guards, because Tiberius, either accidentally or on being impeded in his walk by Haterius’ hands, had a fall. Not even the risk run by such an important man placated him, until Haterius asked Livia Augusta to intercede for him and she, moved by his insistent prayers, managed to protect him.
XIV.
Multa patrum et in Augustam adulatio. alii parentem, alii matrem patriae appellandam, plerique ut nomini Caesaris adscriberetur ‘Iuliae filius’ censebant. ille moderandos feminarum honores dictitans eademque se temperantia usurum in iis quae sibi tribuerentur, ceterum anxius invidia et muliebre fastigium in deminutionem sui accipiens ne lictorem quidem ei decerni passus est aramque adoptionis et alia huiusce modi prohibuit. at Germanico Caesari pro consulare imperium petivit, missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob excessum Augusti solarentur. quo minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea causa quod designatus consul Drusus praesensque erat. candidatos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto traditum; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit se non excessurum.
14.
Much adulation was also directed at Livia Augusta: some proposed that she be called Genitrix; most suggested that Son of Giulia be added to Tiberius’ name. He kept saying that moderation was called for in extending honors to women and that he himself would make discreet use of the honors that would be attributed to him. In actual fact, he was eaten by envy and considered the glorification of women a diminution of his person. He did not tolerate that a lictor be assigned to her and vetoed the altar to mark her adoption into the Julian house and similar distinctions. Yet for Germanicus Caesar he petitioned the proconsular powers for life and sent envoys to deliver to him the decree [in Germany] and, at the same time, to comfort him for the death of Augustus. He was prevented from a similar petition in Drusus’ favor by the fact that Drusus was consul designate and in Rome at the time. Tiberius chose the names of the candidates to the praetorship, twelve in all, the number fixed by Augustus. Though urged by the senate to raise the number, he bound himself with an oath not to change it.
XV.
Tum primum e campo comitia ad patres translata sunt: nam ad eam diem, etsi potissima arbitrio principis, quaedam tamen studiis tribuum fiebant. neque populus ademptum ius questus est nisi inani rumore, et senatus largitionibus ac precibus sordidis exsolutus libens tenuit, moderante Tiberio ne plures quam quattuor candidatos commendaret sine repulsa et ambitu designandos. inter quae tribuni plebei petivere ut proprio sumptu ederent ludos qui de nomine Augusti fastis additi Augustales vocarentur. sed decreta pecunia ex aerario, utque per circum triumphali veste uterentur: curru vehi haud permissum. mox celebratio annua ad praetorem translata cui inter civis et peregrinos iurisdictio evenisset.
15.
Then, for the first time, the elections were moved from the Campus Martius to the senate. Up to that day, even though the most important offices were in the giving of the prince, some were done taking into account the preferences of the tribes. The people, deprived of that right, did not complain except for some inane grumbling. The senate, free from the necessity of having to use bribes and shameful cajoling to get their way, gladly welcome the new directive, also because Tiberius did nor recommend any more candidates than four, eligible without chicanery and danger of defeat. At the same time the tribunes of the plebs requested the right to hold, at their own expense, celebratory games to be called Augustales from Augustus’ name. It was decided, however, to have them at public expense and also that in the Circus Maximus the tribunes would wear the triumphal vestments, but without use of the chariot. Later on, this annual celebration was assigned to one of the praetors, namely the one to whom the administration of justice between citizens and outsiders had happened to fall.
XVI.
Hic rerum urbanarum status erat, cum Pannonicas legiones seditio incessit, nullis novis causis nisi quod mutatus princeps licentiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem praemiorum ostendebat. castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur, praesidente Iunio Blaeso, qui fine Augusti et initiis Tiberii auditis ob iustitium aut gaudium intermiserat solita munia. eo principio lascivire miles, discordare, pessimi cuiusque sermonibus praebere auris, denique luxum et otium cupere, disciplinam et laborem aspernari. erat in castris Percennius quidam, dux olim theatralium operarum, dein gregarius miles, procax lingua et miscere coetus histrionali studio doctus. is imperitos animos et quaenam post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentis inpellere paulatim nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die et dilapsis melioribus deterrimum quemque congregare.
16.
This was the situation in Rome when the revolt of the legions in Pannonia began to spread. No new factor was at play, except that the change of prince encouraged the soldiers to indulge in disorderly conduct and to hope for gains from civil unrest. Three legions shared the same summer camp under the command of Junius Blaesus, who, on hearing of Augustus’ death and the inauguration of the new principate, had suspended the usual duties of army life to solemnize or celebrate these evens. This was the start of all that followed: the gradual breakdown of morale, the brawls among the soldiery, the exposure to the speeches of troublemakers, and, in the end, the demands for leisure and respite from duty and the aversion to discipline and labor. A certain Persennius was in the camp, a former head of a theater group, then a simple soldier, big with words and expert in fomenting troubles thanks to his past on the stage. He began to excite those gullible minds — anxious about the kind of service awaiting them after Augustus– in talks held at night or at the end of the day (after the better soldiers had retired), and to surround himself with the worst elements among the troops.
XVII.
Postremo promptis iam et aliis seditionis ministris velut contionabundus interrogabat cur paucis centurionibus paucioribus tribunis in modum servorum oboedirent. quando ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi novum et nutantem adhuc principem precibus vel armis adirent? satis per tot annos ignavia peccatum, quod tricena aut quadragena stipendia senes et plerique truncato ex vulneribus corpore tolerent. ne dimissis quidem finem esse militiae, sed apud vexillum tendentis alio vocabulo eosdem labores perferre. ac si quis tot casus vita superaverit, trahi adhuc diversas in terras ubi per nomen agrorum uligines paludum vel inculta montium accipiant. enimvero militiam ipsam gravem, infructuosam: denis in diem assibus animam et corpus aestimari: hinc vestem arma tentoria, hinc saevitiam centurionum et vacationes munerum redimi. at hercule verbera et vulnera, duram hiemem, exercitas aestates, bellum atrox: aut sterilem pacem sempiterna. nec aliud levamentum quam si certis sub legibus militia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextus decumus stipendii annus finem adferret, ne ultra sub vexillis tenerentur, sed isdem in castris praemium pecunia solveretur. an praetorias cohortis, quae binos; denarios acceperint, quae post sedecim annos penatibus suis reddantur, plus periculorum suscipere? non obtrectari a se urbanas excubias: sibi tamen apud horridas gentis e contuberniis hostem aspici.
17.
Finally, when other leaders of the revolt could be counted on, he asked the soldiers, with the air of a general addressing his men, why they were obeying like so many slaves a few centurions and even fewer officers. When, he said, would they dare to demand improvements, either with prayers or with arms, if they did not now approach a prince who was new and as yet insecure? They had been guilty of cowardice for too many years, in fact, since they had accepted to serve for thirty or forty years, until old age, most of them with a body impaired by wounds. Not even after being discharged was their soldiering over, but serving now as ‘vexillarii’ they changed names, yet faced the same labors. And even if anyone survived so many trials, they were still dragged to some remote lands, where under the name of tillable fields they were given some water-logged morass or the barren slopes of mountains to cultivate. The truth was that army service itself was both intolerable and unprofitable. Their life and body were valued at ten asses a day. With that they had to pay for clothes, arms, and tents; with that they dodged the meanness of centurions by buying relief from toil. But of whiplashes and injuries, of harsh winters and back-breaking summers, of merciless wars and barren peace, of that, by Hercules, there was no limit! No betterment was possible unless military service were entered under precise rules, such as that pay be a denarius a day and the end of service be set at sixteen years, without obligation to serve beyond that term and the gratuity to be received in the camp itself at the moment of discharge. Did perhaps the praetorian cohorts, which had received their two denarii per day and could return home after sixteen years of service, face more dangers than they did? He meant no disrespect for the postings of guards at Rome, yet they, out there in Pannonia, had to live among savage people with the enemy in full view from their tents.
XVIII.
Adstrepebat vulgus, diversis incitamentis, hi verberum notas, illi canitiem, plurimi detrita tegmina et nudum corpus exprobrantes. postremo eo furoris venere ut tres legiones miscere in unam agitaverint. depulsi aemulatione, quia suae quisque legioni eum honorem quaerebant, alio vertunt atque una tres aquilas et signa cohortium locant; simul congerunt caespites, exstruunt tribunal, quo magis conspicua sedes foret. properantibus Blaesus advenit, increpabatque ac retinebat singulos, clamitans ‘mea potius caede imbuite manus: leviore flagitio legatum interficietis quam ab imperatore desciscitis. aut incolumis fidem legionum retinebo aut iugulatus paenitentiam adcelerabo.’
18.
The soldiery was in great ferment, incited by differing grievances: some pointed indignantly to the scars left by the whip, others to their white hairs, most to the rags they wore and their bare limbs. In the end they reached such pitch of fury as to propose merging the three legions into one, but were stopped by rivalry, in that each man claimed that honor for his legion. Changing their plan, they positioned the three eagles and the standards of the cohorts side by side in one place and also piled up sod to raise a mound in order to make the spot more prominent. While the throng was thus actively engaged, Blaesus suddenly arrived, upbraiding them as he came and trying to hold back one man after another, crying that they ought rather to wet their hands in his blood. It would be a less serious infamy, he shouted, if they killed their legate than to revolt against the emperor. Either he was going to have them honor the oath of the legions while he lived or, murdered by them, he would hasten their punishment.
XIX.
Aggerabatur nihilo minus caespes iamque pectori usque adcreverat, cum tandem pervicacia victi inceptum omisere. Blaesus multa dicendi arte non per seditionem et turbas desideria militum ad Caesarem ferenda ait, neque veteres ab imperatoribus priscis neque ipsos a divo Augusto tam nova petivisse; et parum in tempore incipientis principis curas onerari. si tamen tenderent in pace temptare quae ne civilium quidem bellorum victores expostulaverint cur contra morem obsequii, contra fas disciplinae vim meditentur? decernerent legatos seque coram mandata darent. adclamavere ut filius Blaesi tribunus legatione ea fungeretur peteretque militibus missionem ab sedecim annis: cetera mandaturos ubi prima provenissent. profecto iuvene modi cum otium: sed superbire miles quod filius legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa quae per modestiam non obtinuissent.
19.
They kept piling up the earth, ignoring Blaesus’ protests, and the mound was already breast high, when finally they were forced by the legate’s tireless efforts to desist from the work. Blaesus, who was a skilled orator, made it clear to them that it was not through sedition and rioting that their demands must be brought to Caesar’s attention. Never in the past, he said, had soldiers presented such unheard-of claims to the leaders of the time and neither had they themselves asked so much of the divine Augustus. It was hardly the time now to burden the incoming prince with new cares. If indeed they were determined to try to obtain in time of peace what even victorious in the civil wars they had not dared ask, why would they, against all traditions of deference, against the sacred character of military discipline, consider using violence? Let them choose envoys and openly and in his presence, let these be told what to do. Unanimously they clamored that Blaesus’ son, one of the tribunes, should represent them in a delegation to ask on behalf of the soldiers the discharge after sixteen years of service. The rest of their demands would be communicated to him later, after his initial success. The young man left and there was a modicum of peace in the camp, but the soldiers were now emboldened: if the legate’s son defended the general cause it was proof that, when necessary, they could extort what would never be secured by good conduct.
XX.
Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat.
20.
While this was going on in the camp, the maniples sent before the start of the mutiny to Nauportus to build roads, bridges, and for other services, as soon as they heard of the disorders among the legions, pulled up their banners, plundered the nearby communities and Nauportus itself (which had a standing similar to that of a municipal town), and turned against the centurions, who were trying to restrain them, with scoffs and insults and in the end with blows. They were especially hostile to Aufidienus Rufus, the camp prefect, whom they dragged from his cart, weighed him down with baggage and forced him to march at the head of the column, asking him from time to time in derision whether he liked bearing such enormous loads and such long marches. Rufus, in fact, who had for a long time been a private soldier, then a centurion, and eventually camp prefect, wanted to restore the harsh discipline of old. Having grown gray in the service and being familiar with its toil, was for that reason rather harsh, having bravely borne it all himself.