XXI.
Horum adventu redintegratur seditio et vagi circumiecta populabantur. Blaesus paucos, maxime praeda onustos, ad terrorem ceterorum adfici verberibus, claudi carcere iubet; nam etiam tum legato a centurionibus et optimo quoque manipularium parebatur. illi obniti trahentibus, prensare circumstantium genua, ciere modo nomina singulorum, modo centuriam quisque cuius manipularis erat, cohortem, legionem, eadem omnibus inminere clamitantes. simul probra in legatum cumulant, caelum ac deos obtestantur, nihil reliqui faciunt quo minus invidiam misericordiam metum et iras permoverent. adcurritur ab universis, et carcere effracto solvunt vincula desertoresque ac rerum capitalium damnatos sibi iam miscent.
21.
The arrival of these troops rekindled the mutiny in the camp and the soldiers gave themselves up to raiding the neighboring communities. Blaesus directed that a few, especially those loaded with plunder, be whipped and thrown in jail, as a warning to the rest, for even at that moment the legate’s orders were obeyed by the centurions and by the best among the men. Those arrested, however, offered resistance while being dragged away and clutched at the knees of those around and appealed for help now to comrades by name, now to the century, or the cohort, or the legion to which they belonged. They kept shouting that the same fate awaited all of them, while heaping abuse on the legate, calling the gods in heaven to witness, leaving nothing untried that could excite indignation, pity, anger, and fear. The men rushed up in a body to deliver them, broke down the jail doors, removed the chains from prisoners, so that deserters and criminals condemned to death now mingled freely with the soldiers.
XXII.
Flagrantior inde vis, plures seditioni duces. et Vibulenus quidam gregarius miles, ante tribunal Blaesi adlevatus circumstantium umeris, apud turbatos et quid pararet intentos ‘vos quidem’ inquit ‘his innocentibus et miserrimis lucem et spiritum reddidistis: sed quis fratri meo vitam, quis fratrem mihi reddit? quem missum ad vos a Germanico exercitu de communibus commodis nocte proxima iugulavit per gladiatores suos, quos in exitium militum habet atque armat. responde, Blaese, ubi cadaver abieceris: ne hostes quidem sepultura invident. cum osculis, cum lacrimis dolorem meum implevero, me quoque trucidari iube, dum interfectos nullum ob scelus sed quia utilitati legionum consulebamus hi sepeliant.’
22.
Violence flared up more hotly than ever. Now there were several leaders of the mutiny: one Vibulenus, an ordinary soldier, hoisted on the shoulders of those around him before Blaesus’ tribunal, was addressing the throng of excited mutineers, eager to see what he would do. “You have indeed given back light and life”, he shouted, “to these innocent, downtrodden men, but who will give life back to my brother, who will restore him to my arms? He was sent to you by the army of Germany to discuss our common interests: Blaesus had him butchered last night by the gladiators he keeps and arms to kill soldiers. Answer, Blaesus, where have you thrown his corpse? Not even an enemy denies burial to the dead. Once I have stilled my pain with kisses, with tears, order your henchmen to kill me as well, provided these men may bury both of us. We are guilty of no crime: we die because we gave thought to the good of the legions.
XXIII.
Incendebat haec fletu et pectus atque os manibus verberans. mox disiectis quorum per umeros sustinebatur, praeceps et singulorum pedibus advolutus tantum consternationis invidiaeque concivit, ut pars militum gladiatores, qui e servitio Blaesi erant, pars ceteram eiusdem familiam vincirent, alii ad quaerendum corpus effunderentur. ac ni propere neque corpus ullum reperiri, et servos adhibitis cruciatibus abnuere caedem, neque illi fuisse umquam fratrem pernotuisset, haud multum ab exitio legati aberant. tribunos tamen ac praefectum castrorum extrusere, sarcinae fugientium direptae, et centurio Lucilius interficitur cui militaribus facetiis vocabulum ‘cedo alteram’ indiderant, quia fracta vite in tergo militis alteram clara voce ac rursus aliam poscebat. ceteros latebrae texere, uno retento Clemente Iulio qui perferendis militum mandatis habebatur idoneus ob promptum ingenium. quin ipsae inter se legiones octava et quinta decuma ferrum parabant, dum centurionem cognomento Sirpicum illa morti deposcit, quintadecumani tuentur, ni miles nonanus preces et adversum aspernantis minas interiecisset.
23.
He made his speech more inflammatory by shedding tears and striking his chest and face with his fists, then pushing away those on whose shoulders he was held up and falling headlong, he groveled at the feet of one after another of the bystanders, rousing such outrage and thirst for vengeance that a part of the men put in chains the gladiators in the service of the legate, another did the same to the rest of Blaesus’ household, and a third band spread about in search of the corpse. If it had not been quickly established that no body was to be found, that the servants denied the murder under torture, and that Vibulenus never had a brother, it would have been a close call for Blaesus. However, the mutineers forced the tribunes and the camp prefect to flee, after they had rifled their baggage; they also killed the centurion Lucilius, whom the soldiers sarcastically referred to, in their jargon, as “Hand me another”, because after breaking the length of vine he used as a stick on the back of the man, he would loudly demand another and yet another. The other centurions found reprieve by hiding, but one was held back, Clemens Julius, for whom the soldiers had high regard and considered him the right person to convey their demands to those in power, being a clear-headed and resourceful man. That was not all: two of the legions themselves, the Eighth and the Fifteenth, came close to settling their differences with arms, the reason being that the latter protected a centurion by the name of Sirpicus, whereas the Eighth demanded his head. The worst would have occurred had not the men of the Ninth legion intervened, first with appeals, then with threats against those unwilling to listen.
XXIV.
Haec audita quamquam abstrusum et tristissima quaeque maxime occultantem Tiberium perpulere, ut Drusum filium cum primoribus civitatis duabusque praetoriis cohortibus mitteret, nullis satis certis mandatis, ex re consulturum. et cohortes delecto milite supra solitum firmatae. additur magna pars praetoriani equitis et robora Germanorum, qui tum custodes imperatori aderant; simul praetorii praefectus Aelius Seianus, collega Straboni patri suo datus, magna apud Tiberium auctoritate, rector iuveni et ceteris periculorum praemiorumque ostentator. Druso propinquanti quasi per officium obviae fuere legiones, non laetae, ut adsolet, neque insignibus fulgentes, sed inluvie deformi et vultu, quamquam maestitiam imitarentur contumaciae propiores.
24.
News of the upheaval moved Tiberius, though impenetrable and especially given to hiding his saddest thoughts, to send his son Drusus and some of the leading citizens with two praetorian cohorts, but without well-defined instructions: decisions to be taken would depend on the situation. The two cohorts were reinforced -–more than usual – with selected men; the larger part of the praetorian cavalry was added together with chosen German units then acting as the emperor’s bodyguard. Also included was Aelius Seianus, given as colleague to his father Strabo in the command of the praetorian guard: he had considerable ascendancy over Tiberius and was sent not only as advisor to the young Drusus, but also to show the others the dangers and rewards awaiting them. When Drusus approached the camp, the legions came forward to meet him as if they were fulfilling a duty, not joyful as usual, nor wearing their sparkling decorations, but repulsive in appearance, their faces set to express dejection, yet in fact conveying rather the impression of defiance.
XXV.
Postquam vallum introiit, portas stationibus firmant, globos armatorum certis castrorum locis opperiri iubent: ceteri tribunal ingenti agmine circumveniunt. stabat Drusus silentium manu poscens. illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem rettulerant, vocibus truculentis strepere, rursum viso Caesare trepidare; murmur incertum, atrox clamor et repente quies; diversis animorum motibus pavebant terrebantque. tandem interrupto tumultu litteras patris recitat, in quis perscriptum erat, praecipuam ipsi fortissimarum legionum curam, quibuscum plurima bella toleravisset; ubi primum a luctu requiesset animus, acturum apud patres de postulatis eorum; misisse interim filium ut sine cunctatione concederet quae statim tribui possent; cetera senatui servanda quem neque gratiae neque severitatis expertem haberi par esset.
25.
After Drusus passed beyond the rampart, the rebels barred the gates and placed groups of armed men in selected places of the camp. The rest crowded in large numbers around the tribunal. Drusus stood on it and with a motion of his hand demanded silence. Each time the soldiers turned their eyes towards the multitude, they raised a menacing clamor; if instead they looked at Drusus, they lost confidence. There was a disorderly murmur, savage shouts, sudden silence. Prey to conflicting sentiments, they felt and struck fear by turns. In the end, during a pause in the tumult, Drusus read his father’s letter: in it Tiberius stated that his primary care was for the valiant legions with which he had faced so many wars; that from the moment his heart would have recovered from the loss of his parent, he was going to discuss their demands in the senate. Meanwhile he was sending his son to see what could be done without delay. All other decisions must be reserved for the senate, a body, he wrote, which it was well to consider as having the power to dispense both rewards and punishment.
XXVI.
Responsum est a contione mandata Clementi centurioni quae perferret. is orditur de missione a sedecim annis, de praemiis finitae militiae, ut denarius diurnum stipendium foret, ne veterani sub vexillo haberentur. ad ea Drusus cum arbitrium senatus et patris obtenderet, clamore turbatur. cur venisset neque augendis militum stipendiis neque adlevandis laboribus, denique nulla bene faciendi licentia? at hercule verbera et necem cunctis permitti. Tiberium olim nomine Augusti desideria legionum frustrari solitum: easdem artis Drusum rettulisse. numquamne ad se nisi filios familiarum venturos? novum id plane quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. eundem ergo senatum consulendum quotiens supplicia aut proelia indicantur: an praemia sub dominis, poenas sine arbitro esse?
26.
In response, the assembly said that the demands they wanted to put forward had been entrusted to the centurion Clemens. The latter began to talk about limiting the years of service at sixteen and getting a bonus upon discharge; the pay was to be a full denarius a day and soldiers would no longer be required to serve beyond the limit under their own standard. When Drusus objected that such things were in the power of the senate and of his father, he was interrupted by angry protest: why had he come if he had not the authority either to increase the pay or to lessen their labors, in sum, to do them some good? Yet when it came to beating or killing someone, by Hercules, that was in anyone’s power. Tiberius had made it a habit in the past to frustrate the wishes of the legions in Augustus’ name. He, Drusus, was resorting to the same tricks. Would no one but sons under tutelage ever come to visit them? It was indeed unusual that only the soldiers’ interests were subject to senate review. By the same logic the senate ought to be equally consulted each time they were punished or sent into battle. Were rewards under the control of despotic masters, whereas penalties were a free-for-all?
XXVII.
Postremo deserunt tribunal, ut quis praetorianorum militum amicorumve Caesaris occurreret, manus intentantes, causam discordiae et initium armorum, maxime infensi Cn. Lentulo, quod is ante alios aetate et gloria belli firmare Drusum credebatur et illa militiae flagitia primus aspernari. nec multo post digredientem cum Caesare ac provisu periculi hiberna castra repetentem circumsistunt, rogitantes quo pergeret, ad imperatorem an ad patres, ut illic quoque commodis legionum adversaretur; simul ingruunt, saxa iaciunt. iamque lapidis ictu cruentus et exitii certus adcursu multitudinis quae cum Druso advenerat protectus est.
27.
In the end the throng of soldiers abandoned the tribunal and whenever a praetorian guard or one of Drusus’ friends crossed their path, they shook their fists to provoke a brawl or even an armed confrontation. They were especially hostile to Gnaeus Lentulus, a man superior to the rest in years and military glory, the reason being that he was considered responsible for inducing Drusus to stand firm and was foremost in condemning such inexcusable violations of military discipline. Sometime later, as Lentulus was leaving Drusus Caesar in anticipation of troubles and on his way to the winter camp, he was surrounded and asked where he was headed, whether to the emperor or to the senate, no doubt with the intention to oppose there as well the interests of the legions. At the same time, they hedged him in closer and aimed stones at him. Hit repeatedly by their missiles, covered in blood, and certain to die, he was rescued by the swift intervention of the troops that had arrived with Drusus.
XXVIII.
Noctem minacem et in scelus erupturam fors lenivit: nam luna claro repente caelo visa languescere. id miles rationis ignarus omen praesentium accepit, suis laboribus defectionem sideris adsimulans, prospereque cessura qua pergerent si fulgor et claritudo deae redderetur. igitur aeris sono, tubarum cornuumque concentu strepere; prout splendidior obscuriorve laetari aut maerere; et postquam ortae nubes offecere visui creditumque conditam tenebris, ut sunt mobiles ad superstitionem perculsae semel mentes, sibi aeternum laborem portendi, sua facinora aversari deos lamentantur. utendum inclinatione ea Caesar et quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus circumiri tentoria iubet; accitur centurio Clemens et si alii bonis artibus grati in vulgus. hi vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis portarum se inserunt, spem offerunt, metum intendunt. ‘quo usque filium imperatoris obsidebimus? quis certaminum finis? Percennione et Vibuleno sacramentum dicturi sumus? Percennius et Vibulenus stipendia militibus, agros emeritis largientur? denique pro Neronibus et Drusis imperium populi Romani capessent? quin potius, ut novissimi in culpam, ita primi ad paenitentiam sumus? tarda sunt quae in commune expostulantur: privatam gratiam statim mereare, statim recipias.’ commotis per haec mentibus et inter se suspectis, tironem a veterano. legionem a legione dissociant. tum redire paulatim amor obsequii: omittunt portas, signa unum in locum principio seditionis congregata suas in sedes referunt.
28.
Chance forced the night ahead, ripe with menace and ready to explode into violence, to moderate its perils, for the brightness of the moon high in the clear sky suddenly dimmed. Ignorant of the true reason, the soldiers took the change as a prodigy connected with their situation: they saw the extinguishing moonlight as a symbol of their toils and expected that their undertaking would turn out prosperous if the bright splendor of the goddess would return. Thus, they raised a great tumult with the din of brass, tubas and horns blaring in concert. According as light grew brighter or dimmer, their spirits rose and fell, and when some clouds came up and hid the moon from sight, as to appear to have been swallowed by darkness –prone as minds are to superstition once they are thrown off balance— they lamented that the disappearance of the moon portended labors without end for them and the gods’ displeasure for their crimes. Drusus saw he could profit from this change of attitude and turn what chance offered to wise use by sending his men among the tents of the camp. The centurion Clemens was summoned together with any other men popular because of their friendly relations with the troops. These inserted themselves among the night watch, the armed stations, the gate guardians offering hope and deepening fears: how long, they asked, were they to hold Drusus prisoner, how would the confrontation end, were they to swear allegiance to a Percennius or to a Vibulenus, would these be the ones to distribute the pay to the soldiers and land to the veterans, in short, rule the empire and the Roman people in place of the Neros and the Drusi? Why should they not rather be the first to repent, just as they were the last to offend; slow to come were the things that are demanded in common, but a man alone may soon earn a boon and soon receive it. With these and similar questions and speeches the minds were jolted awake, already prone to mutual suspicion. The fresh troops dissociated themselves from the veterans, one legion from another, until gradually respect of authority returned. They discontinued blocking the gates and the standards, placed together at the start of the commotion, were taken back where they belonged.
XXIX.
Drusus orto die et vocata contione, quamquam rudis dicendi, nobilitate ingenita incusat priora, probat praesentia; negat se terrore et minis vinci: flexos ad modestiam si videat, si supplices audiat, scripturum patri ut placatus legionum preces exciperet. orantibus rursum idem Blaesus et L. Aponius, eques Romanus e cohorte Drusi, Iustusque Catonius, primi ordinis centurio, ad Tiberium mittuntur. certatum inde sententiis, cum alii opperiendos legatos atque interim comitate permulcendum militem censerent, alii fortioribus remediis agendum: nihil in vulgo modicum; terrere ni paveant, ubi pertimuerint inpune contemni: dum superstitio urgeat, adiciendos ex duce metus sublatis seditionis auctoribus. promptum ad asperiora ingenium Druso erat: vocatos Vibulenum et Percennium interfici iubet. tradunt plerique intra tabernaculum ducis obrutos, alii corpora extra vallum abiecta ostentui.
29.
At dawn next day Drusus called a general assembly. He was not a gifted speaker, but had a noble air that commanded respect. He rebuked the troops’ previous excesses and approved their present conduct. He said he was not to be swayed by intimidation or threats: if he saw they were inclined to submission and heard them speak words of entreaty, he would write to his father and plead with him to be lenient and to listen to the prayers of the legions. At their instance, to Tiberius were sent Blaesus himself again, Lucius Aponius, a Roman knight who had come with Drusus, and Justus Catonius, a senior centurion. Then differences of opinion on what to do next occurred among the leaders, in that some were advising to wait for the return of the legation and in that time to keep the troops calm by avoiding harshness, while others were in favor of stronger methods. Mobs, they said, have no sense of measure: if they do not cower, they bully; once frightened, they can be defied with impunity. While the recent superstitious terror was holding them down, the general must add to their fears by removing the promoters of the revolt. By temperament Drusus was inclined to use severity: he had Vibulenus and Percennius brought to him and ordered their execution. Most say that their bodies were buried inside the general’s tent; others that the bodies were thrown outside the rampart as a warning to all.
XXX.
Tum ut quisque praecipuus turbator conquisiti, et pars, extra castra palantes, a centurionibus aut praetoriarum cohortium militibus caesi: quosdam ipsi manipuli documentum fidei tradidere. auxerat militum curas praematura hiems imbribus continuis adeoque saevis, ut non egredi tentoria, congregari inter se, vix tutari signa possent, quae turbine atque unda raptabantur. durabat et formido caelestis irae, nec frustra adversus impios hebescere sidera, ruere tempestates: non aliud malorum levamentum, quam si linquerent castra infausta temerataque et soluti piaculo suis quisque hibernis redderentur. primum octava, dein quinta decuma legio rediere: nonanus opperiendas Tiberii epistulas clamitaverat, mox desolatus aliorum discessione imminentem necessitatem sponte praevenit. et Drusus non exspectato legatorum regressu, quia praesentia satis considerant, in urbem rediit.
30.
Then the hunt began for anyone known to have been active in the sedition. One part had dispersed and were cut down by the centurions or by the praetorian guards; some of them the maniples themselves handed in as a proof of their own loyalty. A premature winter added to the soldiers’ misery with incessant rains so violent that they were prevented from leaving their tents and to assemble. They were barely able to save their standards, which the blasts of the winds and the torrents of water were sweeping away. Fear of divine vengeance also persisted: not without reason, they thought, did the light of the stars pale and storms rage against their impiety; the only remedy to these evils was to abandon the camp, accursed and polluted, and for the legions to expiate their crimes and to return each to its own winter camp. The first to go back was the Eighth legion, then the Fifteenth. The men of the Ninth were vehemently in favor of waiting for Tiberius’ answer. Left alone after the departure of the others, of their own will anticipated their return, which necessity would have made imperative in any case. Drusus did not wait for the legation’s return and left for Rome, satisfied that the situation was sufficiently stable at that moment.