XXI.
De origine Curtii Rufi, quem gladiatore genitum quidam prodidere, neque falsa prompserim et vera exequi pudet. postquam adolevit, sectator quaestoris, cui Africa obtigerat, dum in oppido Adrumeto vacuis per medium diei porticibus secretus agitat, oblata ei species muliebris ultra modum humanum et audita est vox ‘tu es, Rufe, qui in hanc provinciam pro consule venies.’ tali omine in spem sublatus degressusque in urbem largitione amicorum, simul acri ingenio quaesturam et mox nobilis inter candidatos praeturam principis suffragio adsequitur, cum hisce verbis Tiberius dedecus natalium eius velavisset: ‘Curtius Rufus videtur mihi ex se natus.’ longa post haec senecta, et adversus superiores tristi adulatione, adrogans minoribus, inter pares difficilis, consulare imperium, triumphi insignia ac postremo Africam obtinuit; atque ibi defunctus fatale praesagium implevit.
21.
On the origin of Curtius Rufus, who some say was a gladiator’s son, I would not like to subscribe to what may be a lie, yet I am reluctant to reveal the truth. When he reached manhood, he attached himself to a questor to whom Africa had fallen by lot. One day, in the town of Adrumetum, while he was loitering alone under the deserted porticoes at midday, a female form larger than human appeared to him and he heard a voice saying that he would one day come to the province as proconsul. His hopes raised high, he returned to Rome and, with the help of friends in addition to his own initiative and talents, he arrived at the quaestorship, which was soon followed, even though he was competing with noble candidates, by the praetorship, having been recommended by Tiberius, who to veil Rufus’ low birth had said that in his opinion Curtius Rufus was born of himself. In advanced years he arrived at the consulate through deplorable servility to his betters, arrogance to his inferiors, and rudeness in his commerce with equals. To the consulate were added the triumphal insignia and, as a last bonus the governorship of Africa, fulfilling the prophecy by dying there.
XXII.
Interea Romae, nullis palam neque cognitis mox causis, Cn. Nonius eques Romanus ferro accinctus reperitur in coetu salutantum principem. nam postquam tormentis dilaniabatur, de se non infitiatus conscios non edidit, incertum an occultans. Isdem consulibus P. Dolabella censuit spectaculum gladiatorum per omnis annos celebrandum pecunia eorum qui quaesturam adipiscerentur. apud maiores virtutis id praemium fuerat, cunctisque civium, si bonis artibus fiderent, licitum petere magistratus; ac ne aetas quidem distinguebatur quin prima iuventa consulatum et dictaturas inirent. sed quaestores regibus etiam tum imperantibus instituti sunt, quod lex curiata ostendit ab L. Bruto repetita. mansitque consulibus potestas deligendi, donec cum quoque honorem populus mandaret. creatique primum Valerius Potitus et Aemilius Mamercus sexagesimo tertio anno post Tarquinios exactos, ut rem militarem comitarentur. dein gliscentibus negotiis duo additi qui Romae curarent: mox duplicatus numerus, stipendiaria iam Italia et accedentibus provinciarum vectigalibus: post lege Sullae viginti creati supplendo senatui, cui iudicia tradiderat. et quamquam equites iudicia reciperavissent, quaestura tamen ex dignitate candidatorum aut facilitate tribuentium gratuito concedebatur, donec sententia Dolabellae velut venundaretur.
22.
In the same year the Roman knight Gnaeus Nonius was caught having a sword on him while among the crowd gathered to pay their morning respects to the prince. The motive was never determined, either then or later. He freely admitted his own guilt, but though mangled by torture, he did not name his accomplices, if he ever had any. Also, under the same consuls Publius Dolabella recommended that a gladiatorial show should be offered yearly financed by the candidates accepted as quaestors. With our ancestors, public life had been the reward of merit, open to all citizens if they trusted their own abilities. Not even considerations of age prevented anyone from becoming a consul or dictator even in his early youth. The office of quaestor existed also under the kings as clearly shown by the curiate law, reintroduced by Brutus from regal times, the consuls inheriting the power to select them, until this power was, like all others, passed to popular elections. The quaestors first elected were Valerius Potitus and Aemilius Mamercus, sixty-three years after the ejection of the last king, Tarquinius Superbus. Their main task was to look after the finances of the army in the field. Later their responsibilities increased and two more were added to assume duties in Rome. Their number was again doubled, as not only Italy had become subject to taxation, but also foreign provinces. Eventually Sulla passed a law bringing the total number to twenty in order to supplement the senate, now invested with extra judicial functions, later devolved back to the knights. But the quaestorship was still acquired without expenses by being sufficiently qualified and by the favor of the electors, until Dolabella‘s proposal made the office available, as it were, to the highest bidder.
XXIII.
Vitellio L. Vipstano consulibus cum de supplendo senatu agitaretur primoresque Galliae, quae Comata appellatur, foedera et civitatem Romanam pridem adsecuti, ius adipiscendorum in urbe honorum expeterent, multus ea super re variusque rumor. et studiis diversis apud principem certabatur adseverantium non adeo aegram Italiam ut senatum suppeditare urbi suae nequiret. suffecisse olim indigenas consanguineis populis nec paenitere veteris rei publicae. quin adhuc memorari exempla quae priscis moribus ad virtutem et gloriam Romana indoles prodiderit. an parum quod Veneti et Insubres curiam inruperint, nisi coetus alienigenarum velut captivitas inferatur? quem ultra honorem residuis nobilium, aut si quis pauper e Latio senator foret? oppleturos omnia divites illos, quorum avi proavique hostilium nationum duces exercitus nostros ferro vique ceciderint, divum Iulium apud Alesiam obsederint. recentia haec: quid si memoria eorum moreretur qui sub Capitolio et arce Romana manibus eorundem perissent satis: fruerentur sane vocabulo civitatis: insignia patrum, decora magistratuum ne vulgarent.
23.
The consuls for the new year were Aulus Vitellius and Lucius Vipstanus. The question about supplementing the senate was being debated in the curia and the leading men from the part of Gaul known as Gallia Comata, or “long haired”, who had before received the status of allies of Rome and the Roman citizenship, were requesting the right to hold office in the city. The latter question excited animated debate that took many twists and turns. The main points were reported to and argued with great passion before the emperor. Those against the request contended that Italy was not so weak as not to be able to furnish Rome with its own senate. In ancient times, they said, a senate composed of native Romans was deemed adequate by neighboring peoples of similar blood, and certainly no one found fault with the way the old republic did things. On the contrary, even in their time people had a vivid recollection of the examples set by the Roman temperament in fostering virtue and glorious fame. Was it not sufficient that the Veneti and the Insubres had invaded the senate house, without having now foreigners flood the senate house like a horde of captives? What honors would be left for the few surviving nobles or for the penurious senators from Latium? Every office would be filled by these rich newcomers from abroad, whose grandfathers or great-grandfathers at the head of their nations had decimated our armies in battle and besieged the divine Caesar at Alesia. These were relatively recent events, but were they ever to forget the barbarian hands cutting down those who had perished in large numbers in the sacred Capitol and citadel of Rome? Let them by all means glory in the title of citizens, but let them not demean the pride of the fathers, namely the offices of state.
XXIV.
His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: ‘maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.’
24.
Claudius was not overly impressed by this kind of arguments, and straightaway voiced disapproval, then called the senate together and addressed it as follows: “Clausus, the most ancient of my ancestors, born among the Sabines, became without delay a citizen and was admitted among the patrician families. This prompts me to follow the same policy of welcoming into this city all that are conspicuously meritorious outside Rome. I also know that the Julii came from Alba Longa, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum, and without looking so far into the past, Etruria, Lucania, and the whole of Italy contributed members to the senate. Further on, after Italy was extended to the Alps, not only isolated individuals, but regions and peoples were fused together under the Roman name. The peace was insured inside Italy and we prospered in our relations with foreign countries. When the peoples on the other side of the Po were finally given Roman citizenship, we managed, under the excuse of transferring our legions to all parts of the world, to rejuvenate our weary empire by adding to our ranks the most vigorous of the provincials. Does anyone complain that the Balbi came from Spain and others equally distinguished from Gallia Narbonensis? Their descendants are among us and they do not love our country any less than we do. What other reasons are there for the downfall of Sparta and Athens, militarily strong as they were, if not their rejection of the vanquished as aliens? Romulus’ wisdom, on the other hand, was such that he often fought against peoples whom the same day, after the battle, he saluted as citizens. Foreigners have ruled over us; assigning public offices to the sons of slaves is not a novelty, as many erroneously think, but a common occurrence among Romans of the past. But, it may be objected, the Gallic Senones, were bitter enemies who fought us. So what? Did not the Italian Volsci and Aequi do the same? The Gauls captured Rome, you say. Were we not defeated by the Etruscans and forced to give hostages, were we not forced to go under the yoke of the Samnites? In fact, were we to consider all the wars we have had, none was as short as the one against Gaul. Since then, peace and trust have remained unbroken. Now that the provinces are united to us by common usages, culture, and the ties of marriage, they are welcome in turn to share with us their gold and wealth rather than enjoy them alone. Everything, conscript fathers, that is now believed to be ancient, was once new. The plebeians were admitted to office after the patricians, Latin magistrates after the plebeians, then magistrates of other Italian peoples. What we propose today will also grow old and what now we justify by precedent will one day serve itself as precedent.”
XXV.
Orationem principis secuto patrum consulto primi Aedui senatorum in urbe ius adepti sunt. datum id foederi antiquo et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis nomen cum populo Romano usurpant. Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant, paucis iam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum et L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverant, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere; laetaque haec in rem publicam munia multo gaudio censoris inibantur. famosos probris quonam modo senatu depelleret anxius, mitem et recens repertam quam ex severitate prisca rationem adhibuit, monendo, secum quisque de se consultaret peteretque ius exuendi ordinis: facilem eius rei veniam; et motos senatu excusatosque simul propositurum ut iudicium censorum ac pudor sponte cedentium permixta ignominiam mollirent. ob ea Vipstanus consul rettulit patrem senatus appellandum esse Claudium: quippe promiscum patris patriae cognomentum; nova in rem publicam merita non usitatis vocabulis honoranda: sed ipse cohibuit consulem ut nimium adsentantem. condiditque lustrum quo censa sunt civium quinquagies novies centena octoginta quattuor milia septuaginta duo. isque illi finis inscitiae erga domum suam fuit: haud multo post flagitia uxoris noscere ac punire adactus est ut deinde ardesceret in nuptias incestas.
25.
A resolution of the senate followed the speech of the prince and the Aedui were the first to receive the right to become Roman senators. The honor was accorded in recognition of their ancient alliance with Rome and their status, unique among the Gauls, of ‘Brothers of the Roman people’. At the same time Claudius elevated to the rank of patricians the senators of the oldest families and of those that could claim illustrious ancestors. Only a few representatives remained from the Roman houses that Romulus had called ‘maiores’ and Lucius Brutus ‘minores’. Also no longer extant were the families the dictator Julius Caesar and Augustus had selected as replacements under the Cassian and the Saenian law respectively. Claudius’ measures met with general approval, and he himself as a censor found the task very pleasant. He was, however, anxious to find a way to expel from the senate undesirable members notorious for their immorality. In place of traditional severity, he chose a milder and more recent method by advising each of those concerned to assess their case in good conscience, then seek permission to leave the senatorial order, which would be granted without delay. He would then make public the names of those expelled together with the names of those leaving the senate voluntarily, so that the shame of those ejected would be obscured and lessened by the modesty of the members consenting to withdraw. For this action, the consul Vipstanus Poplicola moved that Claudius be given the title of ‘Father of the Senate’, since, as he said, ‘Father of the Country’ had become overused and new contributions to the state merited new names. Claudius himself restrained the consul for pushing flattery too far. He closed the lustrum, the census of which gave a count of 5,984,072 citizens. At this point, the emperor’s blindness about his domestic affairs also came to a close, in that he was forced to know and to punish the excesses of Messalina, seemingly only as a prelude to an incestuous marriage.
XXVI.
Iam Messalina facilitate adulteriorum in fastidium versa ad incognitas libidines profluebat, cum abrumpi dissimulationem etiam Silius, sive fatali vaecordia an imminentium periculorum remedium ipsa pericula ratus, urgebat: quippe non eo ventum ut senectam principis opperirentur. insontibus innoxia consilia, flagitiis manifestis subsidium ab audacia petendum. adesse conscios paria metuentis. se caelibem, orbum, nuptiis et adoptando Britannico paratum. mansuram eandem Messalinae potentiam, addita securitate, si praevenirent Claudium, ut insidiis incautum, ita irae properum. segniter eae voces acceptae, non amore in maritum, sed ne Silius summa adeptus sperneret adulteram scelusque inter ancipitia probatum veris mox pretiis aestimaret. nomen tamen matrimonii concupivit ob magnitudinem infamiae cuius apud prodigos novissima voluptas est. nec ultra expectato quam dum sacrificii gratia Claudius Ostiam proficisceretur, cuncta nuptiarum sollemnia celebrat.
26.
Messalina, by now jaded by the very lack of obstacles to her adulteries, was plunging into untried excesses. Silius, either from ruinous folly or believing that danger itself was a protection against imminent dangers, urged her to abandon all dissimulation: had they pushed matters to that point, he said, only to wait for old age to remove Claudius? Let the innocent rely on inoffensive remedies; manifest crimes left no safety but in audacity. They had partners in crime in all those threatened by the same fate. He was free, had no children, was resolved to marry her and to adopt Britannicus. She would not only retain all of her power but also gain security if they kept ahead of Claudius, who was just as negligent in discovering treachery as he was prompt to anger. Messalina received without warmth these proposals, not out of love of the husband, but from fear that Silius, after reaching his ambitious goals, would despise an adulteress and assess at its true value the crime he had approved amid great perils. Yet, she had her heart set on marriage, because of the enormity of the misdeed, which to a voluptuary like her was the ultimate rapture. She waited only until Claudius left Rome for Ostia to perform a sacrifice, then solemnly celebrated the marriage with Silius.
XXVII.
Haud sum ignarus fabulosum visum iri tantum ullis mortalium securitatis fuisse in civitate omnium gnara et nihil reticente, nedum consulem designatum cum uxore principis, praedicta die, adhibitis qui obsignarent, velut suscipiendorum liberorum causa convenisse, atque illam audisse auspicum verba, subisse ‘flammeum”, sacrificasse apud deos; discubitum inter convivas, oscula complexus, noctem denique actam licentia coniugali. sed nihil compositum miraculi causa, verum audita scriptaque senioribus tradam.
27.
I have no doubt it will be seen as pure fantasy that, in a city where all is known and talked about, any mortals could have the reckless boldness shown by Messalina and Silius. Even more incredible is that, on a set day, in the presence of witnesses to undersign the contract, a consul designate and the wife of an emperor had convened for the ostensive purpose of being conjoined to procreate children, and that the woman had listened to the auspices, assumed the nuptial veil, sacrificed to the gods, received kisses and embraces, and finally spent the night in the freedom of a connubial bed. Yet, I would be reporting nothing I have invented for the sake of shocking the reader, but only what I was either told by our elders or found in the records they have left.
XXVIII.
Igitur domus principis inhorruerat, maximeque quos penes potentia et, si res verterentur, formido, non iam secretis conloquiis, sed aperte fremere, dum histrio cubiculum principis insultaverit, dedecus quidem inlatum, sed excidium procul afuisse: nunc iuvenem nobilem dignitate formae, vi mentis ac propinquo consulatu maiorem ad spem accingi; nec enim occultum quid post tale matrimonium superesset. subibat sine dubio, metus reputantis hebetem Claudium et uxori devinctum multasque mortes iussu Messalinae patratas: rursus ipsa facilitas imperatoris fiduciam dabat, si atrocitate criminis praevaluissent, posse opprimi damnatam ante quam ream; sed in eo discrimen verti, si defensio audiretur, utque clausae aures etiam confitenti forent.
28.
Not surprisingly, all at the palace were horrified, especially those in whose hands the power rested, who also had the most to fear from a change of government. No longer in secret confabulations, but now quite openly they voiced their indignation. When a ballet dancer, they said, desecrated the emperor’s bedchamber, though much dishonor was incurred, the life of the prince was not in danger. But now a man, distinguish by birth, youth, appearance, intellectual vigor, and soon to be consul, was getting ready for an even higher destiny. It was quite plain what the future held in store after such marriage. Without doubt, their fears were heightened by the thought of Claudius’ imbecility and of his slavish attachment to Messalina, who had been responsible for having so many murders carried out. There was, however the possibility that Claudius’ manipulable nature could be overwhelmed by the monstrosity of her crime and be prevailed on to suppress her before she was tried. But the danger was exactly this, that Claudius should allow her to defend herself and that they should fail to shut his ears even against her confession.
XXIX.
Ac primo Callistus, iam mihi circa necem G. Caesaris narratus, et Appianae cacdis molitor Narcissus fagrantissimaque eo in tempore gratia Pallas agitavere, num Messalinam secretis minis depellerent amore Silii, cuncta alia dissimulantes. dein metu ne ad perniciem ultro traherentur, desistunt, Pallas per ignaviam, Callistus prioris quoque regiae peritus et potentiam cautis quam acribus consiliis tutius haberi: perstitit Narcissus, solum id immutans ne quo sermone praesciam criminis et accusatoris faceret. ipse ad occasiones intentus, longa apud Ostiam Caesaris mora, duas paelices, quarum is corpori maxime insueverat, largitione ac promissis et uxore deiecta plus potentiae ostentando perpulit delationem subire.
29.
And now, Callistus, to whom I have already referred in relation to Gaius Caesar’s murder, Narcissus, who was responsible for the death of Appius, and Pallas, then at the peak of favor, convened to decide whether they should force Messalina, by covert threats, to abandon her affair with Silius, while they feigned ignorance of everything else. Soon Pallas and Callistus rejected the scheme, as too perilous to their own safety, Pallas from faint-heartedness, Callistus schooled also by his experience of the previous emperor’s court, having learnt that influence is better preserved by prudent than by daring initiatives. Narcissus remained resolved to devise a plan, though now he chose not to say a word to Messalina that would reveal the charges against her or the accuser. Then he waited for the right moment to act, but since Claudius was staying longer than expected at Ostia, he pushed two of Claudius’ mistresses, to whom the prince was especially attracted, to assume the role of informers, by offering gifts, promises, and the prospect of greater influence with the emperor once the wife was removed.
XXX.
Exim Calpurnia (id paelici nomen), ubi datum secretum, genibus Caesaris provoluta nupsisse Messalinam Silio exclamat; simul Cleopatram, quae id opperiens adstabat, an comperisset interrogat, atque illa adnuente cieri Narcissum postulat. is veniam in praeteritum petens quod ei Vettios, Plautios dissimulavisset, nec nunc adulteria obiecturum ait, ne domum servitia et ceteros fortunae paratus reposceret. frueretur immo his set redderet uxorem rumperetque tabulas nuptialis. ‘an discidium’ inquit ‘ tuum nosti? nam matrimonium Silii vidit populus et senatus et miles; ac ni propere agis, tenet urbem maritus.’
30.
Upon this Calpurnia (that being the name of one of the two women), as soon as she was allowed into Claudius presence, threw herself at his knees exclaiming that Messalina had married Silius. In the same breath she asked Cleopatra, who stood nearby waiting to answer, if she had heard the same. On receiving a nod of assent, she had Narcissus called in, who first asked to be pardoned for having earlier kept concealed from the prince Messalina’s affairs with Vettius Valence and Plautius Luteranus. He then said that even at that moment he would not reproach her adulteries, far less would he ask Silium to return the house, the slaves, and the rest of the imperial possessions. On the contrary, he said, let him enjoy them, provided he gave back the bride and tore up the marriage contract. Next, he bluntly asked Claudius if he realized he was now a divorced man, for the people, the senate, the army had witnessed Silius’ marriage, and unless he acted quickly, the new husband was master of Rome.