LI.
Nec aliud Radamisto subsidium fuit quam pernicitas equorum, quis seque et coniugem abstulit. sed coniunx gravida primam utcumque fugam ob metum hostilem et mariti caritatem toleravit; post festinatione continua, ubi quati uterus et viscera vibrantur, orare ut morte honesta contumeliis captivitatis eximeretur. ille primo amplecti adlevare adhortari, modo virtutem admirans, modo timore aeger ne quis relicta poteretur. postremo violentia amoris et facinorum non rudis destringit acinacen vulneratamque ripam ad Araxis trahit, flumini tradit ut corpus etiam auferretur: ipse praeceps Hiberos ad patrium regnum pervadit. interim Zenobiam (id mulieri nomen) placida in eluvie spirantem ac vitae manifestam advertere pastores, et dignitate formae haud degenerem reputantes obligant vulnus, agrestia medicamina adhibent cognitoque nomine et casu in urbem Artaxata ferunt; unde publica cura deducta ad Tiridaten comiterque excepta cultu regio habita est.
51.
Radamistus had no chance of escape other than in his nimble horses and thanks to them he and his wife made their getaway. She, being pregnant, bore the flight for some time regardless of her discomfort for fear of the enemy and love of her husband. After hurrying on without pause, the continuous jolting of her abdomen and the painful jarring of her womb [on the galloping horse] compelled her to implore her husband to be spared a shameful captivity by a dignified death at his hand. He first tried to dissuade her by his embraces, by reassuring and encouraging her, now amazed at her courage, now distraught by the thought of abandoning her to the lust of other men. In the end, the violence of his love and his propensity to bloody actions won over. He unsheathed his scimitar and having struck her, he drew her body to the edge of the Araxes river, with the intention of letting the current carry it away. He himself rode at breakneck speed towards Iberia, his father’s kingdom. Meantime Zenobia (that was his wife’s name), still breathing in the calm backwaters of the river, was discovered alive by some shepherds who from her noble features surmised she was no base person. After dressing the wound and treating it with their home remedies, on being told her name and what had happened, they took her to the city of Artaxata. From there, encompassed by the solicitude of the people, she was accompanied to Tiridates who received her with much courtesy and had her attended to in a royal manner.
LII.
Fausto Sulla Salvio Othone consulibus Furius Scribonianus in exilium agitur, quasi finem principis per Chaldaeos scrutaretur. adnectebatur crimini Vibia mater eius, ut casus prioris (nam relegata erat) impatiens. pater Scriboniani Camillus arma per Dalmatiam moverat; idque ad clementiam trahebat Caesar, quod stirpem hostilem iterum conservaret. neque tamen exuli longa posthac vita fuit: morte fortuita an per venenum extinctus esset, ut quisque credidit, vulgavere. de mathematicis Italia pellendis factum senatus consultum atrox et inritum. laudati dehinc oratione principis qui ob angustias familiaris ordine senatorio sponte cederent, motique qui remanendo impudentiam paupertati adicerent.
52.
Under the consulate of Faustus Sulla and Salvius Otho, Furius Scribonianus was condemned to exile for inquiring through astrologers about the emperor’s eventual demise. Associated in the accusation was his mother Vibia for her resentment against a previous conviction by which she had also been banished. Camillus, Scribonianus’ father, had provoked armed rebellion in Dalmatia and Claudius was hoping that by sparing again a family inimical to himself he would acquire fame for clemency. Scribonianus’ life in exile, however, was of brief duration and whether his death was fortuitous or brought on by poison, either possibility found currency with the public, depending on personal bias. About the necessity to expel astrologers from Italy, the senate passed a decree that was rigorous yet ineffective. Soon after, Claudius praised in a speech those members who voluntarily left the senate owing to their declining fortunes. Others were excluded from the senate who were merely adding immodesty to their penury by remaining.
LIII.
Inter quae refert ad patres de poena feminarum quae servis coniungerentur; statuiturque ut ignaro domino ad id prolapsae in servitute, sin consensisset, pro libertis haberentur. Pallanti, quem repertorem eius relationis ediderat Caesar, praetoria insignia et centies quinquagies sestertium censuit consul designatus Barea Soranus. additum a Scipione Cornelio grates publice agendas, quod regibus Arcadiae ortus veterrimam nobilitatem usui publico postponeret seque inter ministros principis haberi sineret. adseveravit Claudius contentum honore Pallantem intra priorem paupertatem subsistere. et fixum est aere publico senatus consultum quo libertinus sestertii ter milies possessor antiquae parsimoniae laudibus cumulabatur.
53.
In the same session, Claudius submitted a proposal to the senate regarding the penalty for women engaged in lasting unions with slaves. If the master of the slave was not aware of the relationship — so the motion went — the punishment of the woman was to be slavery; if he did know, she should be regarded as his freedwoman. To Pallas who, Claudius said, was the mind behind the decree, were offered the ornaments of a praetor and fifteen million sesterces on the initiative of Barea Soranus, the consul-designate. Another senator, Publius Cornelius Scipio, submitted in addition that Pallas be thanked in the name of the nation, since he, an offshoot of the kings of Arcadia, had placed service to the state ahead of pride of birth and was content to be held one of the emperor’s assistants. Claudius assured the assembly that Pallas thought the praetorian distinction sufficient honor for him and preferred to live poor, as he always had. By a senate ordinance, a bronze tablet was officially engraved filled with commendations for the frugality on the ancient model of a freedman eking out an existence on a mere three hundred million sesterces.
LIV.
At non frater eius, cognomento Felix, pari moderatione agebat, iam pridem Iudaeae impositus et cuncta malefacta sibi impune ratus tanta potentia subnixo. sane praebuerant Iudaei speciem motus orta seditione, postquam * * * cognita caede eius haud obtemperatum esset, manebat metus ne quis principum eadem imperitaret. atque interim Felix intempestivis remediis delicta accendebat, aemulo ad deterrima Ventidio Cumano, cui pars provinciae habebatur, ita divisis ut huic Galilaeorum natio, Felici Samaritae parerent, discordes olim et tum contemptu regentium minus coercitis odiis. igitur raptare inter se, immittere latronum globos, componere insidias et aliquando proeliis congredi, spoliaque et praedas ad procuratores referre. hique primo laetari, mox gliscente pernicie cum arma militum interiecissent, caesi milites; arsissetque bello provincia, ni Quadratus Syriae rector subvenisset. nec diu adversus Iudaeos, qui in necem militum proruperant, dubitatum quin capite poenas luerent: Cumanus et Felix cunctationem adferebant, quia Claudius causis rebellionis auditis ius statuendi etiam de procuratoribus dederat. sed Quadratus Felicem inter iudices ostentavit, receptum in tribunal, quo studia accusantium deterrerentur; damnatusque flagitiorum quae duo deliquerant Cumanus, et quies provinciae reddita.
54.
Far less modest was his brother, nicknamed Felix, long before placed at the head of Judaea. He was convinced, powerfully backed as he was, that he could get away with any excesses of power in governing the province. To be sure, a strong hand was needed, for the Jews had shown symptoms of being about to rise up after … , and though with the news of Caius’ assassination the need to obey the order has passed, the fear remained that some other emperor might issue the same injunction. Felix, the while, was encouraging disregard of the laws by his ill-advised measures and in doing evil he had a competitor in Ventidius [Cumanus], who governed a part of the province, so that Judaea was divided into Galilea, held by Cumanus, and Samaria under Felix’ control. The inhabitants of either region had long been discordant, but now their mutual hatred had greater free play, for they did not think highly of their present rulers. Accordingly, they pillaged each other’s land by sending in bands of robbers, setting ambushes, on occasion even engaging in real battles, and carrying the ill-gotten gains to the two procurators. The latter at first were pleased, then as turmoil grew beyond all limits, they despatched some Roman troops that were promptly cut to pieces. War would have flared up across the province had not Quadratus, the governor of Syria, interposed. There was no hesitation in executing the Jews who in their rioting had spilled Roman blood, but the case of Cumanus and Felix caused some unease, in that Claudius, after hearing the motives of the sedition, had assigned to the governor of Syria the authority to decide also in relation to the two imperial agents. Quadratus, however, presented Felix as one of the judges, his addition to the bench being intended to discourage his accusers. Thus, Cumanus alone paid the penalty he should have shared with Felix, but peace was restored to Judaea.
LV.
Nec multo post agrestium Cilicum nationes, quibus Clitarum cognomentum, saepe et alias commotae, tunc Troxobore duce montis asperos castris cepere atque inde decursu in litora aut urbes vim cultoribus et oppidanis ac plerumque in mercatores et navicularios audebant. obsessaque civitas Anemuriensis, et missi e Syria in subsidium equites cum praefecto Curtio Severo turbantur, quod duri circum loci peditibusque ad pugnam idonei equestre proelium haud patiebantur. dein rex eius orae Antiochus blandimentis adversum plebem, fraude in ducem cum barbarorum copias dissociasset, Troxobore paucisque primoribus interfectis ceteros clementia composuit.
55.
A short time after these events, the rural communities of Cilicia, known as the Cietae, often turbulent in the past, now under the leadership of one Troxobor set up a fortified camp on the impervious slopes of their mountains. From there, they made incursions as far down as the coast and the cities, boldly harassing the farmers and even more the merchants and the shipowners. Further, they set siege to the city of Anemurium and scattered a cavalry contingent sent to its aid from Syria, led by the prefect Curtius Severus. The reason for the setback was the steep, rugged terrain of the place, which, while favoring the Cilicians fighting on foot, did not lend itself to cavalry engagements. In the end, Antiochus, the king in control of that coastal district, by tricking the leader and cajoling his followers, was able to break the unity of the rebel forces and, after the elimination of Troxobor and of a few of the more prominent men, brought the rest to see reason by showing leniency.
LVI.
Sub idem tempus inter lacum Fucinum amnemque Lirim perrupto monte, quo magnificentia operis a pluribus viseretur, lacu in ipso navale proelium adornatur, ut quondam Augustus structo trans Tiberim stagno, sed levibus navigiis et minore copia ediderat. Claudius triremis quadriremisque et undeviginti hominum milia armavit, cincto ratibus ambitu, ne vaga effugia forent, ac tamen spatium amplexus ad vim remigii, gubernantium artes, impetus navium et proelio solita. in ratibus praetoriarum cohortium manipuli turmaeque adstiterant, antepositis propugnaculis ex quis catapultae ballistaeque tenderentur. reliqua lacus classiarii tectis navibus obtinebant. ripas et collis montiumque edita in modum theatri multitudo innumera complevit, proximis e municipiis et alii urbe ex ipsa, visendi cupidine aut officio in principem. ipse insigni paludamento neque procul Agrippina chlamyde aurata praesedere. pugnatum quamquam inter sontis fortium virorum animo, ac post multum vulnerum occidioni exempti sunt.
56.
Another event that occurred at about the same time was the completion of the subterranean connection between lake Fucinus and the river Liris. In order to attract the greatest number of people to view this magnificent work, a naval battle was prepared in the lake itself, in imitation of the spectacle once organized by Augustus in a pond he had made on the other side of the Tiber, but with smaller vessels and on a less grandiose scope. Claudius had made available triremes and quadriremes and no less than nineteen thousand men. The water edge of the lake was encircled with floating platforms to block any unanticipated way of escape from the fight. Claudius, however, included sufficient space in the center for the energetic efforts of the rowers, the pilots’ dexterity, the onward impulse of the ships, and all the usual maneuvering in a fight at sea. Units of the praetorian guard, both infantry and cavalry, were posted on the floating platforms behind a defensive parapet from which engines for discharging stones and other missiles might be placed into action. The remaining space of the lake was held by marines on vessels furnished with a deck. The shore, the hills, and the higher slopes — as if the place was a theater – was filled with vast crowds of spectators from the surrounding town and even from Rome herself, eager to view the spectacle or wanting to show homage to the emperor. He, decked out in a stately military cloak, and Agrippina close to him wearing a mantle made of gold fabric, occupied the place of honor. The naval battle, even though the combatants were condemned criminals, was fought with the valor of brave soldiers. After much blood was spilled, reprieve from the ultimate sacrifice was granted to the survivors.
LVII.
Sed perfecto spectaculo apertum aquarum iter. incuria operis manifesta fuit, haud satis depressi ad lacus ima vel media. eoque tempore interiecto altius effossi specus, et contrahendae rursum multitudini gladiatorum spectaculum editur, inditis pontibus pedestrem ad pugnam. quin et convivium effluvio lacus adpositum magna formidine cunctos adfecit, quia vis aquarum prorumpens proxima trahebat, convulsis ulterioribus aut fragore et sonitu exterritis. simul Agrippina trepidatione principis usa ministrum operis Narcissum incusat cupidinis ac praedarum. nec ille reticet, impotentiam muliebrem nimiasque spes eius arguens.
57.
At the end of the spectacle, however, when the water from the lake was let through the underground channel, the poor quality of the work became apparent. The passage had not been dug deep enough to reach the bottom or even the middle of the lake and time was spent to lower it. To draw a new crowd of visitors a gladiatorial show was offered, this time on a floating platform resting on boats and large enough for the enactment of an infantry battle. Furthermore, a banquet was served near the outlet of the water into the river, but this resulted in widespread panic, as the violence of the water discharge washed away anything that was nearby, even upsetting the more distant places or instilling terror by the thunderous crash of the waters. Agrippina exploited the affright of the prince to lay the blame on Narcissus, who had directed the project, accusing him of rapacity and embezzlement. He did not take it lying down and lashed out against her meddling, despotic disposition and insatiable aspirations.
LVIII.
Iunio Q. Haterio consulibus sedecim annos natus Nero Octaviam Caesaris filiam in matrimonium accepit. utque studiis honestis [et] eloquentiae gloria enitesceret, causa Iliensium suscepta Romanum Troia demissum et Iuliae stirpis auctorem Aeneam aliaque haud procul fabulis vetera facunde executus perpetrat, ut Ilienses omni publico munere solverentur. eodem oratore Bononiensi coloniae igni haustae subventum centies sestertii largitione. reddita Rhodiis libertas, adempta saepe aut firmata, prout bellis externis meruerant aut domi seditione deliquerant; tributumque Apamensibus terrae motu convulsis in quinquennium remissum.
58.
Next year, Junius Silanus Torquatus and Quintus Haterius Antoninus being the consuls, Nero, now sixteen, wedded Octavia, Claudius’ daughter. To have him distinguish himself in honorable pursuits and gain renown for eloquence, he was entrusted with the defense of the citizenry of Ilium. After articulately reminding the assembly that the Roman people descended from Troy, that Aeneas was the founder of the Julian gens, and adducing other knowledge come down to us only through myths and legends, he succeeded in exempting his client city from any obligation to Rome. His forensic talents also brought relief to the colony of Bononia, heavily damaged by a fire, in the form of a subsidy amounting to ten million sesterces. The population of Rhodes received back their freedom, often taken away or reinstated depending on their military aid to us in our external wars or on their internal seditious behavior. The city of Apamea, furthermore, had the tribute suspended for five years to recover from the destruction caused by an earthquake.
LIX.
At Claudius saevissima quaeque promere adigebatur eiusdem Agrippinae artibus, quae Statilium Taurum opibus inlustrem hortis eius inhians pervertit accusante Tarquitio Prisco. legatus is Tauri Africam imperio proconsulari regentis, postquam revenerant, pauca repetundarum crimina, ceterum magicas superstitiones obiectabat. nec ille diutius falsum accusatorem, indignas sordis perpessus vim vitae suae attulit ante sententiam senatus. Tarquitius tamen curia exactus est; quod patres odio delatoris contra ambitum Agrippinae pervicere.
59.
In contrast, Claudius was being pushed to extreme cruelty by the intrigues of Agrippina herself, who, jealous of the gardens of Statilius Taurus, a fabulously rich man, determined to destroy him through charges brought by Tarquitus Priscus. The accuser had been the legate of Taurus when the latter was the proconsular governor of Africa and after they returned to Rome he incriminated him of involvement in a few cases of extorsion, but primarily of being guilty of practicing magic. Taurus, unable any longer to bear the falsehoods of his pursuer and the undeserved indignity of having to answer them in court, put a violent end to his life before a verdict had been rendered. Tarquitus, however, was thrown out of the senate, the revulsion of the assembly against the informer having for once prevailed over Agrippina’s machinations.
LX.
Eodem anno saepius audita vox principis, parem vim rerum habendam a procuratoribus suis iudicatarum ac si ipse statuisset. ac ne fortuito prolapsus videretur, senatus quoque consulto cautum plenius quam antea et uberius. nam divus Augustus apud equestris qui Aegypto praesiderent lege agi decretaque eorum proinde haberi iusserat ac si magistratus Romani constituissent; mox alias per provincias et in urbe pleraque concessa sunt quae olim a praetoribus noscebantur: Claudius omne ius tradidit, de quo toties seditione aut armis certatum, cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione iudiciorum locaretur, aut rursum Serviliae leges senatui iudicia redderent, Mariusque et Sulla olim de eo vel praecipue bellarent. sed tunc ordinum diversa studia, et quae vicerant publice valebant. C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. Matios posthac et Vedios et cetera equitum Romanorum praevalida nomina referre nihil attinuerit, cum Claudius libertos quos rei familiari praefecerat sibique et legibus adaequaverit.
60.
During this year, the prince was often heard saying that the judicial decisions of his provincial procurators should have the same validity as if they originated from himself. To dispel the impression that this was not a casual reflection, a senate decree was passed that confirmed the concept in a more precise and complete manner than ever before. The divine Augustus had already set the example by stipulating that the Roman knights governing Egypt would be in charge of justice and that their sentences would have the same force as those imposed by senatorial magistrates. Soon after, in other provinces and in Rome herself, all cases formerly tried by praetors were transferred to the knights. Claudius entrusted them with all matters of justice, a prerogative that had been the cause of so many revolts and armed conflicts, as was the case when the laws of Sempronius Gracchus gave the equestrian order control over the courts, or when the Servilian laws returned it to the senate. Monopoly over justice was the reason – or at least the main reason – of the struggle between Marius and Sulla. But in those days the competition was between classes and what it won for one class became law for all. Gaius Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first knights to have the power, thanks to Caesar’s support, to decide of peace conditions and issues of war. It would be of little use to mention later names of knights like a Matius or a Vedius, famous for their influence on Roman politics, since under Claudius even freedmen were raised to have as much power as himself and the laws and had the management of his personal affairs in their hands.