I.
Prima novo principatu mors Iunii Silani proconsulis Asiae ignaro Nerone per dolum Agrippinae paratur, non quia ingenii violentia exitium inritaverat, segnis et dominationibus aliis fastiditus, adeo ut C. Caesar pecudem auream eum appellare solitus sit: verum Agrippina fratri eius L. Silano necem molita ultorem metuebat, crebra vulgi fama anteponendum esse vixdum pueritiam egresso Neroni et imperium per scelus adepto virum aetate composita insontem, nobilem et, quod tunc spectaretur, e Caesarum posteris: quippe et Silanus divi Augusti abnepos erat. haec causa necis. ministri fuere P. Celer eques Romanus et Helius libertus, rei familiari principis in Asia impositi. ab his proconsuli venenum inter epulas datum est, apertius quam ut fallerent. nec minus properato Narcissus Claudii libertus, de cuius iurgiis adversus Agrippinam rettuli, aspera custodia et necessitate extrema ad mortem agitur, invito principe, cuius abditis vitiis per avaritiam ac prodigentiam mire congruebat.
1.
The first victim under the new regime, strictly the evil work of Agrippina carried out behind Nero’s back, was the proconsul of Asia Junius Silanus. It was not that Silanus had brought this on himself because of the rebellious nature of his character, as he was too indolent a man, so slighted by the previous emperors that Caligula used to call him ‘the golden sheep’. It was rather that Agrippina feared him as the avenger for the suicide of his brother Lucius Silanus, of which she herself has been the principal cause. In addition, there was a strong view among the public that Nero, hardly more than a boy and illegally in possession of the throne, should be replaced by a more seasoned man, irreproachable as to precedents, of high birth, and, what then was considered important, one belonging to the line of the Caesars. Silanus was in fact a great-great- grandson of divine Augustus and for that reason he was murdered. Instrumental in this villainy were Publius Celer and Helius, a freedman, both procurators administrating the imperial domains in Asia. They poisoned the proconsul at dinner, ignoring the precautions necessary to prevent exposure. Narcissus, Claudius’ freedman, whose conflict with Agrippina I have already mentioned, was also quickly eliminated through ruthless incarceration and the extreme hopelessness of his case, which drove him to suicide, much to Nero’s regret, as Narcissus’ greed and squandering habits accorded splendidly with his own tendencies, yet unrevealed.
II.
Ibaturque in caedes, nisi Afranius Burrus et Annaeus Seneca obviam issent. hi rectores imperatoriae iuventae et, rarum in societate potentiae, concordes, diversa arte ex aequo pollebant, Burrus militaribus curis et severitate morum, Seneca praeceptis eloquentiae et comitate honesta, iuvantes in vicem, quo facilius lubricam principis aetatem, si virtutem aspernaretur, voluptatibus concessis retinerent. certamen utrique unum erat contra ferociam Agrippinae, quae cunctis malae dominationis cupidinibus flagrans habebat in partibus Pallantem, quo auctore Claudius nuptiis incestis et adoptione exitiosa semet perverterat. sed neque Neroni infra servos ingenium, et Pallas tristi adrogantia modum liberti egressus taedium sui moverat. propalam tamen omnes in eam honores cumulabantur, signumque more militiae petenti tribuno dedit optimae matris. decreti et a senatu duo lictores, flamonium Claudiale, simul Claudio censorium funus et mox consecratio.
2.
More murders were contemplated had not Afranius Burrus and Annaeus Seneca firmly opposed them. Both entrusted with the young prince’s education, they worked in harmony – a rare thing when power is shared – and each was influential in a different manner, Burrus in instilling military skills and an upright conduct, Seneca in developing command of eloquence and geniality of manners. Their combined efforts were aimed at reining in, within allowable limits, the tendencies of Nero’s unpredictable age, should he spurn the path of virtue. Both the one and the other fought a running battle against Agrippina’s despotic temperament, who aflame with a toxic urge to dominate, had Pallas as ally, the man who had championed the incestuous marriage and the ill-fated adoption by which Claudius had ruined himself. But Nero’s character was not of the kind to endure subservience to slaves and Pallas’ sulky haughtiness, far above his station, had provoked in him a strong aversion to the freedman. Publicly, however, flattery kept piling honors on Agrippina: to the tribune asking the watchword, as required by army discipline, Nero gave “to the best of mothers.” Decreed by the senate were also two lictors to attend on her and the priesthood of Claudius’ worship, to whom a censor’s funeral was voted and, soon thereafter, divine honors.
III.
Die funeris laudationem eius princeps exorsus est, dum antiquitatem generis, consulatus ac triumphos maiorum enumerabat, intentus ipse et ceteri; liberalium quoque artium commemoratio et nihil regente eo triste rei publicae ab externis accidisse pronis animis audita: postquam ad providentiam sapientiamque flexit, nemo risui temperare, quamquam oratio a Seneca composita multum cultus praeferret, ut fuit illi viro ingenium amoenum et temporis eius auribus accommodatum. adnotabant seniores quibus otiosum est vetera et praesentia contendere, primum ex iis, qui rerum potiti essent, Neronem alienae facundiae eguisse. nam dictator Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus; et Augusto prompta ac profluens quaeque deceret principem eloquentia fuit. Tiberius artem quoque callebat, qua verba expenderet, tum validus sensibus aut consulto ambiguus. etiam C. Caesaris turbata mens vim dicendi non corrupit; nec in Claudio, quotiens meditata dissereret, elegantiam requireres. Nero puerilibus statim annis vividum animum in alia detorsit: caelare pingere, cantus aut regimen equorum exercere; et aliquando carminibus pangendis inesse sibi elementa doctrinae ostendebat.
3.
During the funeral, Nero delivered the eulogy in praise of Claudius and as long as dwelt on the antiquity of the Claudian gens or recounted the consulates and triumphs of his forefathers, he spoke and the audience listened with dignified gravity. The commemoration of his literary accomplishments and of the absence during his reign of any reversal suffered by the state at the hands of external enemies was equally heard with deference. But when Nero went on to mention his perspicacity and common sense, no one could help smiling, though the speech, composed by Seneca, had much grace and finish, the writer being famous for his pleasing style, well attuned to the ears of his contemporaries. Older people, who kill idle time by contrasting the past and the present, commented that Nero was first among the absolute rulers of the world to depend upon another man’s eloquence. In fact, the dictator Julius Caesar could compete with the greatest orators, and Augustus’ command of language was easy and spontaneous, a valuable asset to a prince. Tiberius, next, was remarkably adept at choosing the inevitable word, and at times he was trenchantly clear, if he chose, or intentionally cryptic. Even Caligula’s unbalanced mind did not impair the efficacy of his delivery, and, as for Claudius, he did not want elegance if his speech was prepared. Nero, on the contrary, since his early years directed his exuberant mind to other activities, carving, painting, singing, or to equitation. In the poems he sometime wrote he exhibited traces of genuine artistry.
IV.
Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi egregie imperii memoravit, neque iuventam armis civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam; nulla odia, nullas iniurias nec cupidinem ultionis adferre. tum formam futuri principis praescripsit, ea maxime declinans, quorum recens flagrabat invidia. non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut clausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis paucorum potentia grassaretur; nihil in penatibus suis venale aut ambitioni pervium; discretam domum et rem publicam. teneret antiqua munia senatus, consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent: illi patrum aditum praeberent, se mandatis exercitibus consulturum.
4.
In any case, once the pretence of grieving was over, he entered the senate house, mentioned something about the authority of the fathers in confirming his succession and about the approval of the soldiers, then went on to apprise the assembly of the teachings he had received and of the examples that were available to him as guidance in ruling the empire. His young years, he said, had not been exposed to the blighting effects of civil war and internal turmoil. He nursed no hatred against anyone, he had no resentment for wrongs he had suffered, and no hunger for revenge. Next, he outlined the course of his future reign and, carefully steering away from recent events that were a smoldering source of public disapproval, declared his firm intention not to be judge in all cases or to hear them by having accuser and accused together behind the locked doors of a room in the palace for the sole purpose of letting the power of a few grow even greater. In his house, nothing would favor venality and intrigue, while private and state affairs would be kept separate. The senate was to retain its ancient privileges, Italy and the senatorial provinces were to appeal to the judgement of the consuls who would ensure that ready access to the senate was open to them. As for himself, the armies would be under his control and care.
V.
Nec defuit fides, multaque arbitrio senatus constituta sunt: ne quis ad causam orandam mercede aut donis emeretur, ne designatis [quidem] quaestoribus edendi gladiatores necessitas esset. quod quidem adversante Agrippina, tamquam acta Claudii subverterentur, obtinuere patres, qui in Palatium ob id vocabantur, ut adstaret additis a tergo foribus velo discreta, quod visum arceret, auditus non adimeret. quin et legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore defixis Seneca admonuisset, venienti matri occurrere. ita specie pietatis obviam itum dedecori.
5.
His promises were kept and many decisions were taken on the authority of the senate. For example, no one was permitted to receive money or gifts for pleading a cause, and new questors were no longer required, before entering office, to offer gladiatorial shows. The latter change was approved by the senate in the face of Agrippina’s opposition, who saw it as a repeal of Claudius’ provisions. The senators would meet in the imperial palace to afford her the opportunity to be present at their sessions, a door having been added in the rear protected by a screen that at the same time kept her out of sight and enabled her to listen. That was not all: when envoys from Armenia were defending the cause of their people before Nero, she was about to move up to the emperor’s tribunal to preside beside him. Seneca, alone among those attending with sufficient presence of mind to avoid a deplorable situation, had barely time to direct the prince to go and meet his mother, as if to show the respect owed her by a dutiful son.
VI.
Fine anni turbidis rumoribus prorupisse rursum Parthos et rapi Armeniam adlatum est, pulso Radamisto, qui saepe regni eius potitus, dein profugus, tum bellum quoque deseruerat. igitur in urbe sermonum avida, quem ad modum princeps vix septem decem annos egressus suscipere eam molem aut propulsare posset, quod subsidium in eo, qui a femina regeretur, num proelia quoque et obpugnationes urbium et cetera belli per magistros administrari possent, anquirebant. contra alii melius evenisse disserunt, quam si invalidus senecta et ignavia Claudius militiae ad labores vocaretur, servilibus iussis obtemperaturus. Burrum tamen et Senecam multa rerum experientia cognitos; et imperatori quantum ad robur deesse, cum octavo decimo aetatis anno Cn. Pompeius, nono decimo Caesar Octavianus civilia bella sustinuerint? pleraque in summa fortuna auspiciis et consiliis quam telis et manibus geri. daturum plane documentum, honestis an secus amicis uteretur, si ducem amota invidia egregium quam si pecuniosum et gratia subnixum per ambitum deligeret.
6.
The last days of the year brought ugly rumors of a new invasion of Armenia by the Parthians, of the great devastation of that country, and of the expulsion of Radamistus. He had more than once made himself master of Armenia and had just as often been forced to flee, but now had given up all plans of fighting back. In Rome, therefore, a city that loves talk, people wondered how in the world a prince, barely past seventeen years of age, could contain such a threat, let alone repulse it. What recourse was there in a youngster at the beck and call of a woman? Could his mentors also direct battles, sieges, and all other aspects of warfare? Others saw the situation differently, arguing it was better than if Claudius, enfeebled by age and sloth, had been called on to shoulder the burden and labors of military operations, prone as he was to obey the orders of his slaves. After all, Burrus and Seneca had proven abilities and experience. As to Nero’s youth, how far was he really from the age of strength, when one considers that Pompey at eighteen and Caesar Octavian at nineteen had borne the weight of civil war? In the high spheres of power, good luck and good thinking accomplish more than the use of force. Nero would soon prove whether the men he chose to assist him were honorable friends or not, and whether, he would appoint the most qualified general, regardless of the envy surrounding him, rather than giving in to intrigue and promoting someone rich and relying on other people’s influence.
VII.
Haec atque talia vulgantibus, Nero et iuventutem proximas per provincias quaesitam supplendis Orientis legionibus admovere legionesque ipsas pro[p]ius Armeniam collocari iubet, duosque veteres reges Agrippam et [Ant]iochum expedire copias, quis Parthorum fines ultro intrarent, simul pontes per amnem Euphraten iungi; et minorem Armeniam Aristobulo, regionem Sophenen Sohaemo cum insignibus regiis mandat. exortusque in tempore aemulus Vologaeso filius Vardanes; et abscessere Armenia Parthi, tamquam differrent bellum.
7.
While these and similar conjectures were being bandied about, Nero gave orders that the new levies of young men from the nearest provinces be made available to bring up to strength the legions of the Orient. The legions themselves were directed to move closer to Armenia and Agrippa and Antiochus, the two veteran vassal kings, to get forces ready to invade the Parthian empire. Bridges to span the Euphrates were constructed; Lesser Armenia and Sophene were assigned to Aristobulus and Sohaemus respectively, together with regal status. Something unexpected and favorable to us, however, occurred at this point: Vardanes, Vologeses’ son, rose up to challenge his father, so the Parthians abandoned Armenia, ostensibly to fight a war at a later date.
VIII.
Sed apud senatum omnia in maius celebrata sunt sententiis eorum, qui supplicationes et diebus supplicationum vestem principi triumphalem, utque ovans urbem iniret, effigiemque eius pari magnitudine ac Martis Ultoris eodem in templo censuere, praeter suetam adulationem laeti, quod Domitium Corbulonem retinendae Armeniae praeposuerat videbaturque locus virtutibus patefactus. copiae Orientis ita dividuntur, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus legionibus apud provinciam Syriam et legatum eius Quadratum Ummidium remaneret, par civium sociorumque numerus Corbuloni esset, additis cohortibus alisque, quae [in] Cappadocia hiemabant. socii reges, prout bello conduceret, parere iussi; sed studia eorum in Corbulonem promptiora erant. qui ut [instaret] famae, quae in novis coeptis validissima est, itinere propere confecto apud Aegeas civitatem Ciliciae obvium Quadratum habuit, illuc progressum, ne, ad accipiendas copias Syriam intravisset Corbulo, omnium ora in se verteret, corpore ingens, verbis magnificis et super experientiam sapientiamque etiam specie inanium validus.
8.
These developments in the Orient were reported to the senate in exaggerated form and in speeches that also proposed that public thanks be given to the gods, that during the days of supplication Nero be allowed to wear the triumphal robe and enter Rome distinguished by ovation, and finally that a statue of himself, of the same size as those of Mars the Avenger, be placed in the temple of the god. To this perfunctory adulation, sincere joy was felt on learning that Domitius Corbulo was chosen to rescue Armenia, a sign that the way was now open to real merit. The forces of the Orient were divided in the following way: two legions and half of the auxiliaries were to remain in Syria under the governor Ummidius Quadratus; an equal number of legions and the other half of the auxiliaries were assigned to Corbulus, supplemented by the cohorts and the cavalry wintering in Cappadocia. The vassal kings were directed to follow orders from either Corbulo or Quadratus in response to the demands of the war, although all were more assiduous in complying with Corbulo’s directives. In order to consolidate his fame — of vital significance in venturing on a new campaign – he lost no time to reach Cilicia and meet with Quadratus at Aegeae, who had come there to prevent Corbulo from entering his province to receive the troops allotted to him, fearing he would at the same time draw all attention to himself by his impressive stature, his splendid oratory, and by the appeal of even his superficial qualities, in addition to his expertise and wisdom.
IX.
Ceterum uterque ad Vologaesen regem nuntiis monebant, pacem quam bellum mallet datisque obsidibus solitam prioribus reverentiam in populum Romanum continuaret. et Vologaeses, quo bellum ex commodo pararet, an ut aemulationis suspectos per nomen obsidum amoveret, tradit nobilissimos ex familia Arsacidarum. accepitque eos centurio Insteius ab Ummidio missus forte priore de causa adito rege. quod postquam Corbuloni cognitum est, ire praefectum cohortis Arrium Varum et reciperare obsides iubet. hinc ortum inter praefectum et centurionem iurgium ne diutius externis spectaculo esset, arbitrium rei obsidibus legatisque, qui eos ducebant, permissum. atque illi recentem gloria et inclinatione quadam etiam hostium Corbulonem praetulere. unde discordia inter duces, querente Ummidio praerepta quae suis consiliis patravisset, testante contra Corbulone non prius conversum regem ad offerendos obsides, quam ipse dux bello delectus spes eius ad metum mutaret. Nero quo componeret diversos, sic evulgari iussit: ob res a Quadrato et Corbulone prospere gestas laurum fascibus imperatoris addi. quae in alios consules egressa coniunxi.
9.
In any case, both Corbulo and Quadratus sent envoys to Vologeses advising him to opt for peace rather than war and to continue the policy of his predecessors of offering hostages in deference to the Roman people. Vologeses, either to prepare for war under favorable circumstances or to free himself of suspected competitors under the travesty of the hostages, surrendered up the most influential members of the Arsacid family. To receive them was Insteius, a centurion whom Quadratus had sent to consult with the king about a previous matter and who happened to be on hand to take the hostages away. When Corbulo heard of this, he dispatched the cohort prefect Arrius Varus with orders to retrieve the hostages. A dispute ensued and, to avoid an unseemly wrangle before strangers, the hostages themselves and the envoys conducting them were given permission to choose to go with either Quadratus or Corbulo. They favored the latter by reason of the renown he had recently acquired and of a certain liking for him even among the enemy. The outcome was discord between the leaders. Quadratus complained he was deprived of the credit for what he had achieved. Corbulo countered by asserting that Vologeses had ben persuaded to deliver hostages only after himself was put in command of the war and the king’s hopes had changed to fear. Nero, to patch up the feud, issued a proclamation that in honor of the successes achieved by Corbulo and Quadratus, the imperial fasces were to be ornamented with laurel. I have here joined together events that extended into the next consulate.
X.
Eodem anno Caesar effigiem Cn. Domitio patri et consularia insignia Asconio Labeoni, quo tutore usus erat, petivit a senatu; sibique statuas argento vel auro solidas adversus offerentes prohibuit. et quamquam censuissent patres, ut principium anni inciperet mense Decembri, quo ortus erat Nero, veterem religionem kalendarum Ianuariarum inchoando anno retinuit. neque recepti sunt inter reos Carrinas Celer senator servo accusante, aut Iulius Densus equester Romanus, cui favor in Britannicum crimini dabatur.
10.
Also included in this year was Nero’s application to the senate for a statue to his father Gnaeus Domitius and the consular ornaments to Asconius Labeo, under whose tutelage he had recently been. On being offered statues of himself cast in solid gold or silver, Nero refused. He even disregarded the senate’s decision to have the year begin with December, that being the month of his birth, and the Kalends of January continued to open the year on the strength of their many religious associations. He personally intervened to rescue from prosecution the senator Carinas Celer, accused by a slave, and Julius Densus, a knight, whose devotion to Britannicus was held to be a criminal offence.