XXI.
Sic lenito principis metu et luce orta itur ad Agrippinam, ut nosceret obiecta dissolveretque vel poenas lueret. Burrus iis mandatis Seneca coram fungebatur; aderant et ex libertis arbitri sermonis. deinde a Burro, postquam crimina et auctores exposuit, minaciter actum. et Agrippina ferociae memor “non miror” inquit, “Silanam numquam edito partu matrum adfectus ignotos habere; neque enim proinde a parentibus liberi quam ab impudica adulteri mutantur. nec si Iturius et Calvisius adesis omnibus fortunis novissimam suscipiendae accusationis operam anui rependunt, ideo aut mihi infamia parricidii aut Caesari conscientia subeunda est. nam Domitiae inimicitiis gratias agerem, si benevolentia mecum in Neronem meum certaret: nunc per concubinum Atimetum et histrionem Paridem quasi scaenae fabulas componit. Baiarum suarum piscinas extollebat, cum meis consiliis adoptio et proconsulare ius et designatio consulatus et cetera apiscendo imperio praepararentur. aut exsistat qui cohortes in urbe temptatas, qui provinciarum fidem labefactatam, denique servos vel libertos ad scelus corruptos arguat. vivere ego Britannico potiente rerum poteram? ac si Plautus aut quis alius rem publicam iudicaturus obtinuerit, desunt scilicet mihi accusatores, qui non verba impatientia caritatis aliquando incauta, sed ea crimina obiciant, quibus nisi a filio absolvi non possim.” commotis qui aderant ultroque spiritus eius mitigantibus, colloquium filii exposcit, ubi nihil pro innocentia, quasi diffideret, nec [de] beneficiis, quasi exprobraret, disseruit, sed ultionem in delatores et praemia amicis obtinuit.
21.
Nero having thus been relieved of his fears, at dawn of the next day they went to Agrippina to inform of the charges against her and either have her justify herself or pay the penalty. Burrus spoke in the presence of Seneca and of Agrippina’s freedmen as witnesses. After laying out the charges and naming the accusers, Burrus adopted a menacing tone which immediately roused Agrippina’s pride and fighting spirit. She was not surprised, she said, that Silana, a childless woman, did not know the heart of a mother. Children were not changed by parents as lovers by a loose woman. And if Iturius and Calvisius after squandering the last crumbs of their fortunes had no other recourse left but to turn accusers to repay that old hag, their mistress, she saw no reason why she should be the target of accusations of crimes against nature, like the murder of a son, or the emperor be suspected of the murder of his mother. She would in fact be thankful for Silana’s bitter enmity were she to compete with her in loving her own son, her Nero. Instead, there she was with her paramour Atimetus and the pantomime Paris inventing ludicrous theater fiction. While Sabina was at Baiae enriching her ponds with fish, she was giving all her thoughts to her plans for Nero’s adoption, to his proconsular powers, to his consul-elect status, and to all that was necessary for him to assume the empire. Either the charges were absurd, she exclaimed, or someone better come forward and accuse her of meddling with the troops of the city, of having undermined the loyalty of the provinces, or, lastly, of having corrupted slaves and freedmen to commit crimes. Would she ever have been allowed to live with Britannicus in possession of the Empire? And if Plautus or someone else should seize power and thereby become her judge, accusers would surely not be wanting to charge her not only with the imprudent expressions of her irrepressible motherly love, but also with far more dreadful atrocities from which only her son could absolve her. Shaken by her words, those present even tried to subdue her indignation. She demanded an interview with her son, during which she said nothing either about her innocence, almost as if by doing so she would show doubts about it, or of her services to Nero for fear of sounding reproachful, but obtained satisfaction against her accusers and rewards for her friends.
XXII.
Praefectura annonae Faenio Rufo, cura ludorum, qui a Caesare parabantur, Arruntio Stellae, Aegyptus C[laudio] Balbillo permittuntur. Syria P. Anteio destinata; sed variis mox artibus elusus, ad postremum in urbe retentus est. at Silana in exilium acta; Calvisius quoque et Iturius relegantur; de Atimeto supplicium sumptum, validiore apud libidines principis Paride, quam ut poena adficeretur. Plautus ad praesens silentio transmissus est.
22.
The management of the food supplies was assigned to Faenius Rufus, the supervision of the games, being prepared by the emperor, to Arruntius Stella. Egypt received Tiberius Claudius Balbillus as imperial governor and Syria was given to Publiu Anteius, who ended up being retained in Rome after various postponements. Silana, however, was exiled; Calvisius and Iturus were relegated as well. Atimetus was executed, but Paris was considered too valuable for the amusement of the prince to suffer punishment. Plautus for the moment escaped notice.
XXIII.
Deferuntur dehinc consensisse Pallas ac Burrus, ut Cornelius Sulla claritudine generis et adfinitate Claudii, cui per nuptias Antoniae gener erat, ad imperium vocaretur. eius accusationis auctor extitit Paetus quidam, exercendis apud aerarium sectionibus famosus et tum vanitatis manifestus. nec tam grata Pallantis innocentia quam gravis superbia fuit: quippe nominatis libertis eius, quos conscios haberet, respondit nihil umquam se domi nisi nutu aut manu significasse, vel, si plura demonstranda essent, scripto usum, ne vocem consociaret. Burrus quamvis reus inter iudices sententiam dixit. exiliumque accusatori inrogatum et tabulae exustae sunt, quibus oblitterata aerarii nomina retrahebat.
23.
Soon after, Pallas and Burrus were denounced for having plotted to call Cornelius Sulla to the empire, in view of his noble origin and relation by marriage to Claudius whose son-in-law he was, having espoused his daughter Antonia. The prosecutor was a certain Peto, infamous for his traffic of confiscated estates at the public treasury and in this case proven beyond doubt a liar. The confirmed innocence of Pallas, however, produced more indignation than pleasure, on account of his arrogance. In fact, when some of his servants were called during the trial as being complicit in the plot, he asserted that in his house he would never impart any order except with the motion of the head or of his hands and that whenever his commands required greater elucidation, his practice was to give them in writing, in order not to have his breath mingle with that of the servants. Burrus cast his vote among the judges, although he was a defender himself. The accuser was sentenced to exile and the records, by means of which he reactivated long forgotten debts to the exchequer, were consigned to the flames.
XXIV.
Fine anni statio cohortis adsidere ludis solita demovetur, quo maior species libertatis esset, utque miles theatrali licentiae non permixtus incorruptior ageret et plebes daret experimentum, an amotis custodibus modestiam retineret. urbem princeps lustravit ex responso haruspicum, quod Iovis ac Minervae aedes de caelo tactae erant.
24.
At the very end of the year the guard detachment that used to be on duty at the games was removed. The reason given was threefold: first, to encourage the semblance of greater freedom; secondly, to subtract the troops from excessive contact with the corruptive influence of the theater that would adversely affect discipline; finally, to ascertain whether the populace would preserve moderation even after the withdrawal of the soldiers. The emperor performed a purification of the city at the prompting of the haruspices, given that both the temple of Jupiter and Minerva had been struck by lightning.
XXV.
Volusio P. Scipione consulibus otium foris, foeda domi lascivia, qua Nero itinera urbis et lupanaria et deverticula veste servili in dissimulationem sui compositus pererrabat, comitantibus qui raperent venditioni exposita et obviis vulnera inferrent, adversus ignaros adeo, ut ipse quoque exciperet ictus et ore praeferret. deinde ubi Caesarem esse, qui grassaretur, pernotuit augebanturque iniuriae adversus viros feminasque insignes, et quidam permissa semel licentia sub nomine Neronis inulti propriis cum globis eadem exercebant, in modum captivitatis nox agebatur; Iuliusque Montanus senatorii ordinis, sed qui nondum honorem capessisset, congressus forte per tenebras cum principe, quia vi attemptantem acriter reppulerat, deinde adgnitum oraverat, quasi exprobrasset mori adactus est. Nero autem metuentior in posterum milites sibi et plerosque gladiatores circumdedit, qui rixarum initia modica et quasi privata sinerent; si a laesis validius ageretur, arma inferebant. ludicram quoque licentiam et fautores histrionum velut in proelia convertit impunitate et praemiis atque ipse occultus et plerumque coram prospectans, donec discordi populo et gravioris motus terrore non aliud remedium repertum est quam ut histriones Italia pellerentur milesque theatro rursum adsideret.
25.
When the new consuls for the year, Quintus Volusius Saturnius and Publius Cornelius Scipio, took office, peace reigned abroad, but outrageous scandals plagued Rome, where Nero prowled the streets, disguised as a slave to avoid discovery, visiting brothels and wine shops. He and his escort would make free with all sorts of merchandise displayed for sale and offered violence to those who crossed their path, people who were so unaware of the identity of their assailants that Nero himself received blows and carried their marks on his face. Later, when it was established that Caesar was behind these outrages, men and women of the highest rank became frequently the target of brutal acts, since the abuses were tolerated under the name of Nero and other individuals organized gangs of their own, imitating the emperor’s behaviour with impunity. The result was that Rome at night was no better than a captured city. Julius Montanus, a young man of the senatorial order, but as yet having held no office, when attacked by Nero in the darkness, fought back with vigor, then, having recognized him, begged for pardon, but his excuses were taken as a sort of censure and he was forced to end his life. The incident, however, made Nero less bold. He surrounded himself with soldiers and a crowd of gladiators, who stood aside as long as a brawl was not dangerous and resembled an ordinary quarrel among private citizens, but intervened with their arms whenever those molested answered force with force. Even the unbridled license of the theater and the scuffles between the supporters of the actors he converted into veritable battles by granting rewards in addition to impunity, while he himself enjoyed the fracas from a hiding place or often in full view of the bystanders. In the end, the discord among the people and the terror of more serious disorders made a remedy necessary, which was the expulsion of the troublesome actors from Italy and the use again of soldiers to keep the multitude in line.
XXVI.
Per idem tempus actum in senatu de fraudibus libertorum, efflagitatumque ut adversus male meritos revocandae libertatis ius patronis daretur. nec deerant qui censerent, sed consules, relationem incipere non ausi ignaro principe, perscripsere tamen consensum senatus. ille an auctor constitutionis fieret, . . . ut inter paucos et sententiae diversos, quibusdam coalitam libertate inreverentiam eo prorupisse frementibus, [ut] vine an aequo cum patronis iure agerent sententiam eorum consultarent ac verberibus manus ultro intenderent, impudenter vel poenam suam ipsi suadentes. quid enim aliud laeso patrono concessum, quam ut c[ent]esimum ultra lapidem in oram Campaniae libertum releget? ceteras actiones promiscas et pares esse: tribuendum aliquod telum, quod sperni nequeat. nec grave manu missis per idem obsequium retinendi libertatem, per quod adsecuti sint: at criminum manifestos merito ad servitutem retrahi, ut metu coerceantur, quos beneficia non mutavissent.
26.
At the same time, the abusive behavior of the freedmen was brought up for debate in the senate. It was demanded that power be given to the patrons to revoke the freedom of those who did not deserve it. There was no lack of support for the motion, but the consuls hesitated to proceed without first informing the prince. They nevertheless communicated to the emperor in writing the majority opinion of the senate. Nero was uncertain whether to become the promoter of such a measure … since he had few of his advisers at hand and they held conflicting viewpoints. Some were furious that disrespect, made bolder by license, had arrived at such extremes that ex-slaves pushed arrogance to the use of force or to dealings with their patrons as their equals. They not only questioned the authority of their ex-owners, but even raised their hands to strike them, or had the effrontery to propose their own punishment. What redress was left to an insulted patron, they asked, other than to relegate the offending freedman a hundred miles away to the balmy coast of Campania? In all the rest the laws made the same provisions for both patron and freedman, without distinction. Some coercive authority ought to be introduced, they said, which could not be easily eluded. It would entail no grave loss to the freed slaves to be obliged to preserve their liberty by the same deference which had earned it for them. Those guilty of insulting conduct would justifiably be returned to slavery, so that fear might force them to toe the line when gentle ways should prove ineffective.
XXVII.
Disserebatur contra: paucorum culpam ipsis exitiosam esse debere, nihil universorum iuri derogandum; quippe late fusum id corpus. hinc plerumque tribus decurias, ministeria magistratibus et sacerdotibus, cohortes etiam in urbe conscriptas; et plurimis equitum, plerisque senatoribus non aliunde originem trahi: si separarentur libertini, manifestam fore penuriam ingenuorum. non frustra maiores, cum dignitatem ordinum dividerent, libertatem in communi posuisse. quin et manu mittendi duas species institutas, ut relinqueretur paenitentiae aut novo beneficio locus. quos vindicta patronus non liberaverit, velut vinclo servitutis attineri. dispiceret quisque merita tardeque concederet, quod datum non adimeretur. haec sententia valuit, scripsitque Caesar senatui, privatim expenderent causam libertorum, quotiens a patronis arguerentur; in commune nihil derog[ar]ent. nec multo post ereptus amitae libertus Paris quasi iure civili, non sine infamia principis, cuius iussu perpetratum ingenuitatis iudicium erat.
27.
The other side responded by saying that the fault of a few should bring punishment on the guilty only and not be extended to the entire order, which was far from being a uniform block. In fact, from it, they said, the city tribes, the decuries, the magistrates, and the priests drew the manpower they needed. The cohorts, recruited within the city, were no exception. Very many of the knights and a significant number of the senators owed their origin to this source. If freedmen were to be kept as a class apart, the fewness of the freeborn would become obvious. Not without purpose did their forefathers, though they apportioned status unequally among the classes, had made liberty a right common to all. They did more than that, they instituted two levels of manumission, in order to make room for changing one’s mind or for confirming a boon with a greater one. The slaves whom the owner had not freed by the ritual of the wand, were still retained in some way by the bond of servitude. It was up to the owner to carefully weigh the merits of each slave and not be overhasty in bestowing a right which, once given, could no longer be removed. This view won out and Nero wrote to the senate that they must deal separately with each case of freedmen denounced by their owners, and not take away rights that would affect the entire order. Not much later, Paris, the freedman of Nero’s aunt Domitia, was removed from her, ostensibly by due process of law, but not without loss of popularity on Nero’s part by whose order a favorable verdict was secured on the pretext that Paris was a freeborn man.
XXVIII.
Manebat nihilo minus quaedam imago rei publicae. nam inter Vibullium praetorem et plebei tribunum Antistium ortum certamen, quod immodestos fautores histrionum et a praetore in vincla ductos tribunus omitti iussisset. comprobavere patres, incusata Antistii licentia. simul prohibiti tribuni ius praetorum et consulum praeripere aut vocare ex Italia, cum quibus lege agi posset. addidit L. Piso designatus consul, ne quid intra domum pro potestate adverterent, neve multam ab iis dictam quaestores aerarii in publicas tabulas ante quattuor mense referrent; medio temporis contra dicere liceret, deque eo consules statuerent. cohibita artius et aedilium potestas statutumque, quantum curules, quantum plebei pignoris caperent vel poenae inrogarent. et Helvidius Priscus tr[ibunus] pl[ebis] adversus Obultronium Sabinum aerarii quaestorem contentiones proprias exercuit, tamquam ius hastae adversus inopes inclementer ageret. dein princeps curam tabularum publicarum a quaestoribus ad praefectos transtulit.
28.
Notwithstanding abuses of power of this kind, some vague reminders of the ancient republic still lingered. As an example, when a quarrel arose between the praetor Vibullius and the tribune of the plebs Antistius, because the latter had ordered the release of some turbulent fans of certain actors the praetor had thrown in prison, the senate supported Vibullius and severely rebuked Antistius’ audacity. At the same time, tribunes were barred form encroaching on the authority of praetors and consuls and from ordering to appear before them persons from Italy engaged in lawsuits. The consul designate Lucius Calpurnius Piso demanded in addition that tribunes be prohibited, by virtue of their powers, from hearing cases in their own homes and that any fines inflicted by them were not to be recorded by the questors of the exchequer in the books of the public treasury for four months, to allow time for objections to be heard before the final decision of the consuls. The authority of the aediles was restricted and an upper limit set to how much the curule aediles and the plebeian aediles could take in goods or impose in fines. The tribune Helvidius Priscus nursed a personal grudge against Obultronius Sabinus, questor of the treasury, accusing him of being ruthless in exercising his power of confiscation against the poor. In response, the emperor put the office of the public accounts into the hands of experienced superintendents.
XXIX.
Varie habita ac saepe mutata eius rei forma. nam Augustus senatui permisit deligere praefectos; deinde ambitu suffragiorum suspecto, sorte ducebantur ex numero praetorum qui praeessent. neque id diu mansit, quia sors deerrabat ad parum idoneos. tum Claudius quaestores rursum imposuit, iisque, ne metu offensionum segnius consulerent, extra ordinem honores promisit: sed deerat robur aetatis eum primum magistratum capessentibus. igitur Nero praetura perfunctos et experientia probatos delegit.
29.
Management of the treasury was carried out in different ways and was often changed. Augustus allowed the senate to choose administrators, but later, to avoid the suspicion of intrigue, these were selected by lot from the praetors. This system also was soon discarded, since chance may assign the office to incompetent persons. Thus, Claudius reverted to the ancient use of questors, and to prevent that fear of causing offence might make them less forceful, he promised them greater chances of fast promotion. Questors, however, being new to public office, lacked maturity and experience, so Nero decided to nominate men who had previously been praetors, whose competency was supported by years of experience.
XXX.
Damnatus isdem consulibus Vipsanius Laenas ob Sardiniam provinciam avare habitam; absolutus Cestius Proculus repetundarum Cretensibus accusantibus. Clodius Quirinalis, quod praefectus remigum, qui Ravennae haberentur, velut infimam nationum Italiam luxuria saevitiaque adflictavisset, veneno damnationem anteiit. Caninius Rebi[l]us, ex primoribus peritia legum et pecuniae magnitudine, cruciatus aegrae senectae misso per venas sanguine effugit, haud creditus sufficere ad constantiam sumendae mortis, ob libidines muliebriter infamis. at L. Volusius egregia fama concessit, cui tres et nonaginta anni spatium vivendi praecipuaeque opes bonis artibus, inoffensa tot imperatorum [a]micitia fuit.
30.
Under the same consuls, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of preying on the people of Sardinia while governor of that province. Clodius Proculus, on the other hand, was cleared of the same charges brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who as prefect of the fleet bases at Ravenna, was alleged to have oppressed Italy with his abuses and cruelty, as though the country were the most contemptible among nations, pre-empted assured retribution by taking poison. Caninius Rebilus, foremost for his legal learning and vast wealth was spared the afflictions of age and sickness by opening his veins to drain his blood. No one thought him capable of having the courage to put an end to his life, in view of his ill fame as an effeminate man. Quite different was Lucius Volusius Saturninus, who quit life in the fullness of good fame and great fortune, both honorably acquired. He managed to live for ninety-three years, enjoying the friendship of one emperor after another, without ever incurring their displeasure.