XXI.
Nec minor Germanis animus, sed genere pugnae et armorum superabantur, cum ingens multitudo artis locis praelongas hastas non protenderet, non colligeret, neque adsultibus et velocitate corporum uteretur, coacta stabile ad proelium; contra miles, cui scutum pecotri adpressum et insidens capulo manus, latos barbarorum artus, nuda ora foderet viamque strage hostium aperiret, inprompto iam Arminio ob continua pericula, sive illum recens acceptum vulnus tardaverat. quin et Inguiomerum, tota volitantem acie, fortuna magis quam virtus deserebat. et Germanicus quo magis adgnosceretur detraxerat tegimen capitii orabatque insisterent caedibus: nil opus captivis, solam internicionem gentis finem bello fore. iamque sero diei subducit ex acie legionem faciendis castris: ceterae ad noctem cruore hostium satiatae sunt. equites ambigue certavere.
21.
The fighting spirit of the Germans was in no way inferior to ours, but they were outclassed by the type of battle being fought and by their armament. Their vast multitude in a space so restricted could not thrust forward or pull back their unusually long spears, nor use the agility and speed of their limber bodies, forced as they were to fight without moving. The Roman soldier, on the other hand, with the shield pressed against his chest and his hand firmly grasping the hilt of the sword, slashed at the large frames and unprotected faces of the Germans and carved a passage by sheer butchery. Arminius lacked his usual energy, worn down perhaps by the never-ending struggle or weakened by his recent wound. Inguiomerus himself, who was running to all parts of the field, was been forsaken more by fortune than by his stout heart. To be more easily recognized, Germanicus had taken off his helmet and encouraged his men to continue the massacre. There was no need of taking prisoners, he called out, only the extermination of that race would finally bring a conclusion to the war. It was already late in the day when he removed a legion from the field to build a camp. The other legions sated their thirst for blood until the night. The cavalry’s contribution to the battle [that day] was rather dubious.
XXII.
Laudatis pro contione victoribus Caesar congeriem armorum struxit, superbo cum titulo: debellatis inter Rhenum Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea monimenta Marti et Iovi et Augusto sacravisse. de se nihil addidit, metu invidiae an ratus conscientiam facti satis esse. mox bellum in Angrivarios Stertinio mandat, ni deditionem properavissent. atque illi supplices nihil abnuendo veniam omnium accepere.
22.
Caesar praised the victorious troops in a general assembly and raised a trophy with the mass of captured arms carrying this proud inscription: HAVING VANQUISHED THE NATIONS BETWEEN THE RHINE AND THE ALBIS, THE ARMIES OF TIBERIUS CAESAR HAVE CONSECRATED THIS MEMORIAL TO MARS, JUPITER, AND AUGUSTUS. Not a word he added about himself, either from fear of [Tiberius’] jealousy or because he thought that the conscience of his accomplishment was sufficient reward for him. Next, he put Stertinius in charge of the war against the Angrivarii, unless their surrender was immediate. The tribe sued for peace in a hurry, and by refusing none of the terms, received full pardon.
XXIII.
Sed aestate iam adulta legionum aliae itinere terrestri in hibernacula remissae; pluris Caesar classi inpositas per flumen Amisiam Oceano invexit. ac primo placidum aequor mille navium remis strepere aut velis inpelli: mox atro nubium globo effusa grando, simul variis undique procellis incerti fluctus prospectum adimere, regimen inpedire; milesque pavidus et casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas vel intempestive iuvat, officia prudentium corrumpebat omne dehinc caelum et mare omne in austrum cessit, qui humidis Germaniae terris, profundis amnibus, immenso nubium tractu validus et rigore vicini septentrionis horridior rapuit disiecitque navis in aperta Oceani aut insulas saxis abruptis vel per occulta vada infestas. quibus paulum aegreque vitatis, postquam mutabat aestus eodemque quo ventus ferebat, non adhaerere ancoris, non exhaurire inrumpentis undas poterant: equi, iumenta, sarcinae, etiam arma praecipitantur quo levarentur alvei manantes per latera et fluctu superurgente.
23.
Summer being well advanced, some of the legions were sent to their winter quarters by land, but the majority were taken on board the fleet and transported to the ocean by way of the Amisia river. At first the calm expanse of the sea reverberated with the plashing sound of the oars or was furrowed by the sails from a thousand ships, but soon the fleet was thrown in disarray by a huge front of black clouds unleashing a tempest of hail accompanied by angry winds blowing from all directions. The high waves, pushed one way or another, obscured the view and impeded staying on course. The frightened soldiers, unfamiliar with the dangers of the sea, either stood in the sailors’ way or offered unwanted assistance, thereby impairing the work of the skilled mariners. In a while, both sky and sea were at the mercy of Auster, the south wind, which, gaining impetus from the soils and rivers of Germany, waterlogged or swollen [by the moisture] from that boundless vastness of clouds, was made more brutal by the vicinity of the frozen north and was sweeping the ships away from land, dispersing them in the open ocean, or pushing them to islands with rocky outcrops or insidious hidden shallows. Scarcely and painfully had these perils been evaded, when the ships were dragged away again in the direction of the wind by the changing tide and could not be held in place by the anchors nor could be emptied of the water that kept flooding in: horses, mules, baggage, even arms were thrown overboard to lighten the keels embarking water from the sides and the giant waves inundating them from above.
XXIV.
Quanto violentior cetero mari Oceanus et truculentia caeli praestat Germania, tantum illa clades novitate et magnitudine excessit, hostilibus circum litoribus aut ita vasto et profundo ut credatur novissimum ac sine terris mare. pars navium haustae sunt, plures apud insulas longius sitas eiectae; milesque nullo illic hominum cultu fame absumptus, nisi quos corpora equorum eodem elisa toleraverant. sola Germanici triremis Chaucorum terram adpulit; quem per omnis illos dies noctesque apud scopulos et prominentis oras, cum se tanti exitii reum clamitaret, vix cohibuere amici quo minus eodem mari oppeteret. tandem relabente aestu et secundante vento claudae naves raro remigio aut intentis vestibus, et quaedam a validioribus tractae, revertere; quas raptim refectas misit ut scrutarentur insulas. collecti ea cura plerique: multos Angrivarii nuper in fidem accepti redemptos ab interioribus reddidere; quidam in Britanniam rapti et remissi a regulis. ut quis ex longinquo revenerat, miracula narrabant, vim turbinum et inauditas volucris, monstra maris, ambiguas hominum et beluarum formas, visa sive ex metu credita.
24.
That disaster exceeded all others in magnitude and novelty by as much as the ocean exceeds all other seas in violence and Germany all other lands in severity of climate. Nothing was to be seen but shores hostile to us and waters so vast and deep that one could believe they were the last sea on earth, with no more land beyond. A number of the ships went under, most were blown to distant islands: there, in the absence of inhabitants, the soldiers starved, except those lucky enough to find the carcass of horses thrown ashore by the waves. Only Germanicus’ trireme landed among the Chauci and he spent many days and nights wandering on the rocks and spits of land of the coast, desperate for being the cause, as he saw it, of so much ruin. His friends had to restrain him from ending his own life in those same waters. Eventually, with the storm abating and favorable winds returning, ships found their way back, heavily damaged, with few oars left or items of clothing stretched out in place of sails, some of the ships taken in tow by sturdier vessels. Germanicus had these repaired quickly and sent out again to search the islands. A number of men were thus recovered; many more were handed over by the Angrivarii, who had newly rejoined our side and had redeemed the stranded men from peoples farther inland. Some, thrown onto the English coast, were sent back by local chieftains. No sooner had any of the soldiers returned from such faraway places, than they told fantastic tales of violent cyclones, winged animals never seen before, marine monsters, hybrid creatures, half men half beasts, all things they actually saw or thought they saw in their terror.
XXV.
Sed fama classis amissae ut Germanos ad spem belli, ita Caesarem ad coercendum erexit. C. Silio cum triginta peditum, tribus equitum milibus ire in Chattos imperat; ipse maioribus copiis Marsos inrumpit, quorum dux Mallovendus nuper in deditionem acceptus propinquo luco defossam Varianae legionis aquilam modico praesidio servari indicat. missa extemplo manus quae hostem a fronte eliceret, alii qui terga circumgressi recluderent humum. et utrisque adfuit fortuna. eo promptior Caesar pergit introrsus, populatur, excindit non ausum congredi hostem aut, sicubi restiterat, statim pulsum nec umquam magis, ut ex captivis cognitum est, paventem. quippe invictos et nullis casibas superabilis Romanos praedicabant, qui perdita classe, amissis armis, post constrata equorum virorumque corporibus litora eadem virtute, pari ferocia et velut aucti numero inrupissent.
25.
The rumor that the fleet had gone lost, just as it stirred the Germans to hope for war, so it incited Germanicus to keep them in check. He ordered Gaius Silius to advance against the Chatti with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry; himself, with larger forces, fell on the Marsi, whose leader Mallovendus had recently surrendered and also revealed that the eagle of one of Varus’ legions was buried in a nearby grove and was but poorly guarded. A body of soldiers was despatched at once, which attracted the guards by confronting them openly, while another group, by going behind them, dug the earth. Both moves succeeded and Germanicus, heartened by the outcome, moved quickly towards the interior, assaulted and swept away the enemy, who did not dare make a stand, or, if they did, were crushed at once, leaving them (as was revealed to us later by prisoners) prey to a terror never known before. Indeed, it was publicly said that that the Romans were invincible and that no disaster could stop them: after being deprived of the fleet and losing armies, after the beaches littered with the carcasses of horses and men, they had returned to the attack with undiminished bravery and pride as if their numbers had multiplied.
XXVI.
Reductus inde in hiberna miles, laetus animi quod adversa maris expeditione prospera pensavisset. addidit munificentiam Caesar, quantum quis damni professus erat exsolvendo. nec dubium habebatur labare hostis petendaeque pacis consilia sumere, et si proxima aestas adiceretur, posse bellum patrari. sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat rediret ad decretum triumphum: satis iam eventuum, satis casuum. prospera illi et magna proelia: eorum quoque meminisset, quae venti et fluctus, nulla ducis culpa, gravia tamen et saeva damna intulissent. se novies a divo Augusto in Germaniam missum plura consilio quam vi perfecisse. sic Sugambros in deditionem acceptos, sic Suebos regemque Maroboduum pace obstrictum. posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentis, quoniam Romanae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui. precante Germanico annum efficiendis coeptis, acrius modestiam eius adgreditur alterum consulatum offerendo cuius munia praesens obiret. simul adnectebat, si foret adhuc bellandum, relinqueret materiem Drusi fratris gloriae, qui nullo tum alio hoste non nisi apud Germanias adsequi nomen imperatorium et deportare lauream posset. haud cunctatus est ultra Germanicus, quamquam fingi ea seque per invidiam parto iam decori abstrahi intellegeret.
26.
[With the fighting at an end], the troops were returned to their winter camps, pleased that they had redeemed their losses by sea with a successful campaign. Germanicus added thereto his generosity by refunding each soldier whatever damage he declared to have sustained. There was no doubt that the Germans were losing heart and considering whether they should sue for peace. If operations were extended into next season, the war could well reach a conclusion. Tiberius, however, was advising him in his frequent messages to return for the triumph already decreed: enough had already occurred, enough reversals as well as great battles gone well for him. He should also keep in mind, [Tiberius wrote], the heavy and painful damage – through no fault of the commander – caused by wind and sea. He himself had been sent nine times to Germany by Augustus and had accomplished more by diplomacy than by force: thus, he had accepted the surrender of the Sugambri, thus he has constrained Maroboduus and the Suebi to choose peace. Even the Cherusci and the other rebel tribes should be left to their internal squabbles, since Roman vengeance had been visited on them [and honor was safe]. At Germanicus’ request that he be allowed one more year to conclude the operations in course, Tiberius appealed more aggressively to his sense of duty by offering a second consulate, an office that required Germanicus’ presence in Rome. At the same time, he added that, if still more fighting was left, he should leave some opportunities for glory to his brother Drusus, who, in the absence of other enemies, only with the Germans could acquire the title of Imperator and win the laurel crown. Germanicus no longer hesitated, even though he understood that Tiberius’ arguments were only pretexts and that he was being robbed of the military honor he had already earned.
XXVII.
Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res novas. eius negotii initium, ordinem, finem curatius disseram, quia tum primum reperta sunt quae per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, invenem inprovidum et facilem inanibus ad Chaldaeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somniorum etiam interpretes impulit, dum proavom Pompeium, amitam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret.
27.
At about this time, Libo Drusus of the Scribonian family was accused of engaging in subversive activities. I will recount in detail the beginning, the progress, and the end of this affair, because then, for the first time, certain practices were introduced which would corrode for many years the fabric of the state. Firmius Cato, a senator, taking advantage of the close friendship of Libo, a light-headed impressionable youth, induced him to rely on the promises of astrologers, on the sacred arts of magicians, and on interpreters of dreams, while he held up to him his great-grandfather Pompey, his aunt Scribonia, once Augustus’ wife, and his cousins, the emperor’s heirs presumptive, and also the images of the family’s ancestors, of which his house was full. He then pushed him to extravagant expenses and borrowings by being his sharer in forbidden pleasures and financial entanglements with a view to incriminate him with more crushing evidence.
XXVIII.
Vt satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Flacco internuntio sermones commeare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, convictibus adhibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat); cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donec Iunius quidam, temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium detulit. celebre inter accussatores Trionis ingenium erat avidumque famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consules, cognitionem senatus poscit. et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroci.
28.
As soon as he had collected sufficient witnesses and slaves who would confirm the charges, he asked an audience with the prince after informing him of the crime and the name of the accused through Flaccus Vescularius, a Roman knight closer to Tiberius than himself. The emperor did not dismiss the accusations, but refused to grant Catus an interview, saying it was always possible to communicate through Flaccus himself. In the interim, he conferred the dignity of a praetor to Libo and admitted him to his table, revealing no displeasure in his expression, no impatience in his words, so well had he bottled his anger inside him. He had the power to put a stop to Libo’s words and actions, but he preferred to know everything his own way. Eventually, a certain Junius, upon being solicited by Libo to conjure up the spirits of the dead by his incantations, reported the fact to Fulcinius Trio, a notorious informer, both resourceful and voracious in ferreting out the infamies of others. He at once brought charges against Libo, alerted the consul, and demanded that the case be heard in the Senate. The fathers were summoned to attend, notice being given that a serious matter of special gravity would be debated.
XXIX.
Libo interim veste mutata cum primoribus feminis circumire domos, orare adfinis, vocem adversum pericula poscere, abnuentibus cunctis, cum diversa praetenderent, eadem formidine. die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, sive, ut tradidere quidam, simulato morbo, lectica delatus ad foris curiae innisusque fratri et manus ac supplices voces ad Tiberium tendens immoto eius vultu excipitur. mox libellos et auctores recitat Caesar ita moderans ne lenire neve asperare crimina videretur.
29.
Libo, in the meantime, dressed in mourning garb, and accompanied by women of the highest rank, was knocking at many doors, begging his kinfolk to intervene in his defense against the perils ahead: all turned him down with variable excuses, but with the same fear for themselves. On the day of the trial, benumbed by fear and anxiety, or, as some said, pretending sickness, he was carried in a chair to the entrance of the senate. Leaning for support on his brother, he stretched his hands towards Tiberius and uttered words of supplication. The prince received him unmoved. Soon later, Tiberius read out the charges and the names of the accusers in a neutral voice, so as to appear neither to moderate nor to aggravate the blame.
XXX.
Accesserant praeter Trionem et Catum accusatores Fonteius Agrippa et C. Vibius , certabantque cui ius perorandi in reum daretur, donec Vibius, quia nec ipsi inter se concederent et Libo sine patrono introisset, singillatim se crimina obiecturum professus, protulit libellos vaecordes adeo ut consultaverit Libo an habiturus foret opes quis viam Appiam Brundisium usque pecunia operiret. inerant et alia huiusce modi stolida vana, si mollius acciperes, miseranda. uni tamen libello manu Libonis nominibus Caesarum aut senatorum additas atrocis vel occultas notas accusator arguebat. negante reo adgnoscentis servos per tormenta interrogari placuit. et quia vetere senatus consulto quaestio in caput domini prohibebatur, callidus et novi iuris repertor Tiberius mancipari singulos actori publico iubet, scilicet ut in Libonem ex servis salvo senatus consulto quaereretur. ob quae posterum diem reus petivit domumque digressus extremas preces P. Quirinio propinquo suo ad principem mandavit.
30.
In addition to Trio and Cato, Fronteius Agrippa and Caius Vibius joined the accusers and all were vying with each other for the right to speak against Libo. In the end, since no one was willing to cede and Libo had no lawyer, Vibius undertook to present each charge separately and produced evidence so outrageous as to claim that Libo had consulted fortune tellers to know whether he would ever have enough riches to cover the Appian way with money until Brundisium. There were also other accusations of the same kind, nonsensical and groundless, nothing but wretched drivel, to put it charitably. The accuser insisted, however, that in one document, to the names of the Caesars and of senators were added in Libo’s hand certain signs of arcane and sinister appearance. Libo denied the charge, so it was decided to subject to torture the slaves who knew his writing, but because an old decree of the senate prohibited questioning slaves against their masters in a capital trial, Tiberius, the cunning inventor of a new system of laws, ordered the sale of each slave to an agent of the treasury, naturally to make possible the extraction of answers against Libo from his slaves without violating the law. In view of this, the accused asked for a day’s recess went home and entrusted to Publius Quirinius, a relative, his last petition to the prince.