XXXI.
Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim milite domus, strepebant etiam in vestibulo ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhibuerat epulis excruciatus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, dum trepidant, dum refugiunt, evertentibus adpositum cum mensa lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in viscera derexit. ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, et caede visa miles abstitit. accusatio tamen apud patres adseveratione eadem peracta, iuravitque Tiberius petiturum se vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam mortem properavisset.
31.
The answer he received was that he should apply to the senate. Meanwhile his house was surrounded by soldiers who filled even the enclosed space in front of the entrance with noisy bustle, deliberately to be heard and seen tramping about. Libo, finding novel torment even in the food he had ordered prepared as his last pleasure, was calling for someone to kill him, taking hold of the hands of his slaves, trying to force a sword in their grasp. As they drew back in panicked hurry, the slaves upset the light set on the table. Left alone in that darkness, to him already the night of death, he raised the sword and plunged it twice in his abdomen. His freedmen rushed up at the cry of the dying man; the soldiers, having witnessed his death, left the house. The trial, however, continued with the same earnestness before the senate and Tiberius swore it was his intention to intercede for Libo even if found guilty, had he not sought a voluntary death in such haste.
XXXII.
Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque idumn Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere.
32.
His property was divided among the accusers and praetorships were exceptionally awarded to those belonging to the senatorial order. Next, Cotta Messalinus advanced the motion that the image of Libo ought not to accompany the funerals of his descendants. Gaius Lentulus suggested that none of the Scribonii be allowed to take the name of Drusus. On a proposal by Pomponius Flaccus, days of public thanksgiving were designated. On the initiative of Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius offerings were vowed to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord. They also suggested that the thirteenth of September, the date of Libo’s suicide, be considered a holiday. I have set down in detail on whose authority such servile proposals were made, so that it be known that these evils of our state have existed for a long time. The senate also passed a law banning astrologers and magicians from Italy. One of them, Lucius Pituanius, was thrown down from the Tarpeian rock, and the consuls carried out the execution of Publius Marcius outside the Esquiline gates, after commanding the trumpet to sound, in keeping with ancient custom.
XXXIII.
Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordinibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem.
33.
On the second day of the senate assembly, the ex-consul Quintus Haterius and the ex-praetor Octavius Fronto delivered long speeches condemning the luxury of the city. The manufacture of vessels of pure gold in which to serve food at tables was outlawed by decree, and so were silk clothes for men, considered effeminate. Fronto went further and demanded that a limit be set to the possession of silverware, furniture, and slaves. In fact, it was then still common practice for senators to express opinions, when their turn came to speak, on matters they believed to pertain to the public good. Gallus Asinius opposed these views, saying that, with the expansion of the empire, private wealth was also on the increase. That was nothing new, he said, but in keeping with the most ancient practice: wealth was one thing with the Fabricii and another with the Scipios; everything was to be seen in relation to the state: when the state was poor, the dwellings of the citizens were small and cramped; as soon as the state arrived at such levels of affluence, private wealth improved as well. Nothing was excessive or moderate in the number of slaves, in the amount of silver, in whatever serves for the common necessities of life, except in relation to the fortune of the owner. The census distinguished the senators from the knights not because they differed in nature, but because, in the same manner one class had preference as to place, position, and distinction, so, also, it went before the other in the things that are sought to secure peace of mind and bodily health, unless they believed that the best among them, who had to face greater cares and dangers, must also be deprived of relief from those cares and dangers. That open admission of the vices common to all in the audience, hidden under a thin fabric of fair words, easily won Gallus general approval. Even Tiberius had suggested that the time was not for censure and that, if any serious lapses from accepted custom should occur, a proper man should not be wanting to correct them.
XXXIV.
Inter quae L. Piso ambitum fori, corrupta iudicia, saevitiam oratorum accusationes minitantium increpans, abire se et cedere urbe, victurum in aliquo abdito et longinquo rure testabatur; simul curiam relinquebat. commotus est Tiberius, et quamquam mitibus verbis Pisonem permulsisset, propinquos quoque eius impulit ut abeuntem auctoritate vel precibus tenerent. haud minus liberi doloris documentum idem Piso mox dedit vocata in ius Vrgulania, quam supra leges amicitia Augustae extulerat. nec aut Vrgulania optemperavit, in domum Caesaris spreto Pisone vecta, aut ille abscessit, quamquam Augusta se violari et imminui quereretur. Tiberius hactenus indulgere matri civile ratus, ut se iturum ad praetoris tribunal, adfuturum Vrgulaniae diceret, processit Palatio, procul sequi iussis militibus. spectabatur occursante populo compositus ore et sermonibus variis tempus atque iter ducens, donec propinquis Pisonem frustra coercentibus deferri Augusta pecuniam quae petebatur iuberet. isque finis rei, ex qua neque Piso inglorius et Caesar maiore fama fuit. ceterum Vrgulaniae potentia adeo nimia civitati erat ut testis in causa quadam, quae apud senatum tractabatur, venire dedignaretur: missus est praetor qui domi interrogaret, cum virgines Vestales in foro et iudicio audiri, quotiens testimonium dicerent, vetus mos fuerit.
34.
In the middle of all this, Lucius Piso, having voiced his disgust with the intrigues of the courts, the venality of judges, the aggressiveness of orators forever threatening prosecution, declared he would leave the city behind and go to live in the country in some faraway secluded place. As he spoke, he was making his way out of the senate house, when Tiberius, who was noticeably shaken, no only tried to appease Piso with soothing words, but also strongly encouraged his relatives to keep him from going by using their influence or their power of persuasion. Not long after, the same Piso gave proof [again] of righteous indignation by citing Urgulania to appear in court, whom Livia Augusta’s friendship had raised above the law. Neither side gave ground: Urgulania ignored the summons and had herself carried to Caesar’s palace, Piso kept hounding her, though Livia complained of feeling slighted and diminished. Tiberius decided it would not be high-handed of him to limit his condescendence towards his mother to promising that he would go to the tribunal and give Urguania support. He went from the palace and told the soldiers to follow him at a distance. The people rushed to see the prince, who calmly prolonged the time walking leisurely and talking about one thing and another, until, in view of Piso’s refusal to give up his pursuit of justice despite his relatives’ efforts, Augusta finally gave orders that the money owed by Urgulania to Piso be taken to him. This concluded the matter, from which Piso emerged not without glory and Tiberius with his prestige enhanced. The fact remained, however, that Urgulania’s power was so immoderate for a state ruled by law, that, on being called as a witness in a certain trial conducted in the senate, she did not deign to present herself: the praetor had to go to her house to get her testimony, whereas the vestal virgins themselves, according to ancient practice, were heard in the court inside the Forum whenever they were called to give evidence.
XXXV.
Res eo anno prolatas haud referrem, ni pretium foret Cn. Pisonis et Asinii Galli super eo negotio diversas sententias noscere. Piso, quamquam afuturum se dixerat Caesar, ob id magis agendas censebat, ut absente principe senatum et equites posse sua munia sustinere decorum rei publicae foret. Gallus, quia speciem libertatis Piso praeceperat, nihil satis inlustre aut ex dignitate populi Romani nisi coram et sub oculis Caesaris, eoque conventum Italiae et adfluentis provincias praesentiae eius servanda dicebat. audiente haec Tiberio ac silente magnis utrimque contentionibus acta, sed res dilatae.
35.
I would not mention the deferment of the senate’s meetings in this year if it were not interesting to know the opposing views of Gnaeus Piso and Asinius Gallus on the subject. Tiberius having announced his temporary absence from Rome, Piso argued that this was all the more reason for the senate to convene, as the fact that the senators and the knights were still able to fulfill their offices would improve the image of the state. Gallus, since Piso had got ahead of him in showing a free spirit, retorted that nothing really great and worthy of the Roman people was possible except in the presence and under the eyes of Caesar. Consequently, he said, discussion on matters such as the convention of the Italics and the large influx of provincials to the city were to be reserved for a time when he was present. Tiberius listened to the heated exchange in silence, many being the arguments on both sides. The sittings of the senate, however, were deferred.
XXXVI.
Et certamen Gallo adversus Caesarem exortum est. nam censuit in quinquennium magistratuum comitia habenda, utque legionum legati, qui ante praeturam ea militia fungebantur, iam tum praetores destinarentur, princeps duodecim candidatos in annos singulos nominaret. haud dubium erat eam sententiam altius penetrare et arcana imperii temptari. Tiberius tamen, quasi augeretur potestas eius, disseruit: grave moderationi suae tot eligere, tot differre. vix per singulos annos offensiones vitari, quamvis repulsam propinqua spes soletur: quantum odii fore ab iis qui ultra quinquennium proiciantur? unde prospici posse quae cuique tam longo temporis spatio mens, domus, fortuna? superbire homines etiam annua designatione: quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent? quinquiplicari prorsus magistratus, subverti leges, quae sua spatia exercendae candidatorum industriae quaerendisque aut potiundis honoribus statuerint. favorabili in speciem oratione vim imperii tenuit.
36.
A disagreement also arose between Tiberius and Gallus, the latter proposing that the elections for the next five years be held in advance and that the legates of the legions, serving before acquiring the rank of praetors, be made praetors designate immediately and twelve candidates nominated each year. It was obvious that the proposal had deeper intentions and aimed at unveiling the secret methods of the emperor, yet Tiberius treated it as if dealt with the expansion of his powers. He answered that in choosing so many candidates and delaying the career of so many others was a challenge to his sense of moderation. It was hardly possible to avoid discontent with annual elections, though the prospect of the next election mitigated the bitterness of defeat. How much more rancour would there be from those who saw their hopes thrown five years into the future? How could one predict after such a long time the frame of mind, the family situation, the financial status of anyone? Men become puffed up with pride even with designations one year in advance: what would happen if they wave that honor about for five years? The magistrates would be multiplied five times, the existing laws that fix the limit of time for the candidates to exercise their abilities for seeking and securing honors would be subverted. With such a speech, so liberal in appearance, he kept intact his imperial prerogatives.
XXXVII.
Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: ‘patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.’
37.
Tiberius provided assistance to some of the senators, thus it was all the more surprising that he received with undue harshness the prayers of Marcus Hortalus, a young noble of notorious poverty. He was the nephew of the orator Hortensius and had been prevailed on by Augustus with a gift of one million sesterces to marry and to have children, in order to avoid the extinction of his line. His four sons, therefore, stood at the door of the senate and when it was his turn to speak, Marcus turned his eyes now towards the statue of Hortensius among the orators (for the meeting was in the imperial palace), now towards that of Augustus and began in these accents: “Conscript Fathers, these boys of mine, whose number and young years you see, I did not engender of my own free will, but on the urging of the prince, and also because my predecessors had earned the right to have descendants. Now, since I, who had not been able, for a variety of circumstances dictated by the present times, to receive or to procure myself either money, or popular favor, or oratorical skills – our hereditary title to gentility – I was satisfied if my meagre possessions were not a discredit to myself or a charge to anyone else. Commanded by the emperor, I got a wife and here are the offspring and posterity of so many consuls and dictators. I do say this, not to rouse envy, but to win over your compassion. My sons will, in the splendor of your power, Caesar, do honor to any office you will confer on them. For the present, protect Quintus Hortensius’ grandnephews and Augustus’ protegees from sheer want.”
XXXVIII.
Inclinatio senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit quo promptius adversaretur, his ferme verbis usus: ‘si quantum pauperum est venire huc et liberis suis petere pecunias coeperint, singuli numquam exsatiabuntur, res publica deficiet. nec sane ideo a maioribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem et quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre, ut privata negotia et res familiaris nostras hic augeamus, cum invidia senatus et principum, sive indulserint largitionem sive abnuerint. non enim preces sunt istud, sed efflagitatio, intempestiva quidem et inprovisa, cum aliis de rebus convenerint patres, consurgere et numero atque aetate liberum suorum urgere modestiam senatus, eandem vim in me transmittere ac velut perfringere aerarium, quod si ambitione exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum erit. dedit tibi, Hortale, divus Augustus pecuniam, sed non conpellatus nec ea lege ut semper daretur. languescet alioqui industria, intendetur socordia, si nullus ex se metus aut spes, et securi omnes aliena subsidia expectabunt, sibi ignavi, nobis graves.’ haec atque talia, quamquam cum adsensu audita ab iis quibus omnia principum, honesta atque inhonesta, laudare mos est, plures per silentium aut occultum murmur excepere. sensitque Tiberius; et cum paulum reticuisset, Hortalo se respondisse ait: ceterum si patribus videretur, daturum liberis eius ducena sestertia singulis, qui sexus virilis essent. egere alii grates: siluit Hortalus, pavore an avitae nobilitatis etiam inter angustias fortunae retinens. neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamvis domus Hortensii pudendam ad inopiam delaberetur.
38.
The general attitude of the audience in favor of Marcus was a spur for Tiberius to disagree more promptly. I give here his approximate words: “If all the poor would start coming here to ask for money for their children, no single applicant would be satisfied and the state would go to ruin. If our ancestors gave permission from time to time for senators to deviate from the agenda of the day, when called upon to speak, and to express their views on matters of public benefit, their intention was surely not for us to expose our private affairs and advance our financial condition, bringing in so doing both senate and emperor into disrepute, regardless of whether favor is granted or not. No, what we have here”, he said, “is not a petition, it is clearly an imposition, both impertinent and unseasonable, to rise up in this place and with the number and age of one’s children exert pressure on the sympathy of the senators, assembled here for other purposes, apply the same compulsion on me and just about force his way into the treasury, which if we empty to please the people it will have to be replenished by criminal practices. The divine Augustus gave you money, Hortalus, but was neither bound to do so, nor obliged to keep giving forever. If no one will be prodded by fear or hope to rely on himself, industry will wither and indolence be in full sway: all will wait in security for the help from others, unable to fend for themselves and a dead weight to the rest of us.” These and other words of this nature he spoke, and though they were heard with approval from those who have the habit of praising each action of a prince, be it good or evil, most received them in silence or with a suppressed murmur. Being conscious of the mood, Tiberius said after a brief pause that he had given Hortalus his answer, but if the senate found it just, he would endow each of the children of male sex with the sum of two hundred thousand sesterces. The assembly expressed thanks, but Hortalus kept silent, either from fear or from a proud sense of his ancient nobility even in the indigence of his condition. Tiberius never showed him compassion again after this, despite the decline of the house of the Hortensii, eroded away by shameful penury.
XXXIX.
Eodem anno mancipii unius audacia, ni mature subventum foret, discordiis armisque civilibus rem publicam perculisset. Postumi Agrippae servus, nomine Clemens, comperto fine Augusti pergere in insulam Planasiam et fraude aut vi raptum Agrippam ferre ad exercitus Germanicos non servili animo concepit. ausa eius inpedivit tarditas onerariae navis: atque interim patrata caede ad maiora et magis praecipitia conversus furatur cineres vectusque Cosam Etruriae promunturium ignotis locis sese abdit, donec crinem barbamque promitteret: nam aetate et forma haud dissimili in dominum erat. tum per idoneos et secreti eius socios crebrescit vivere Agrippam, occultis primum sermonibus, ut vetita solent, mox vago rumore apud inperitissimi cuiusque promptas auris aut rursum apud turbidos eoque nova cupientis. atque ipse adire municipia obscuro diei, neque propalam aspici neque diutius isdem locis, sed quia veritas visu et mora, falsa festinatione et incertis valescunt, relinquebat famam aut praeveniebat.
39.
Also, in the same year, the audacity of a single slave, but for a timely intervention, would have precipitated the empire into civil discord and war. A slave of Pestumus Agrippa, named Clemens, upon hearing of Augustus’ death, conceived the highly unservile scheme of going to the island of Planasia in order to carry off Agrippa by stealth or force, then take him to the armies of Germany. His daring project was thwarted by the slow progress of the transport ship, during which time Agrippa was murdered. Undaunted, he turned to a greater and far more risky undertaking: he stole Agrippa’s ashes and sailed to Cosa, a promontory of Etruria, where he kept hidden in out-of-the-way places to allow his hair and beard to grow: in fact, he closely resembled his master in appearance and age. Next, with the help of capable emissaries, who were privy to his secret, the rumour circulated that Agrippa was alive, first with only half-whispered words, as is the case with illicit news, then by vague gossip finding ready acceptance by all credulous fools and also among the restless elements of society, always hungry for change. The impostor himself would loiter at dusk in municipal towns, without letting anyone see him openly or staying in the same place too long, leaving behind or preceding all kinds of gossip and speculations, for truth gains strength from direct seeing and long stays, falsehood from momentary encounters and brief glimpses.
XL.
Vulgabatur interim per Italiam servatum munere deum Agrippam, credebatur Romae; iamque Ostiam invectum multitudo ingens, iam in urbe clandestini coetus celebrabant, cum Tiberium anceps cura distrahere, vine militum servum suum coerceret an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sineret: modo nihil spernendum, modo non omnia metuenda ambiguus pudoris ac metus reputabat. postremo dat negotium Sallustio Crispo. ille e clientibus duos (quidam milites fuisse tradunt) deligit atque hortatur, simulata conscientia adeant, offerant pecuniam, fidem atque pericula polliceantur. exequuntur ut iussum erat. dein speculati noctem incustoditam, accepta idonea manu, vinctum clauso ore in Palatium traxere. percontanti Tiberio quo modo Agrippa factus esset respondisse fertur ‘quo modo tu Caesar.’ ut ederet socios subigi non potuit. nec Tiberius poenam eius palam ausus, in secreta Palatii parte interfici iussit corpusque clam auferri. et quamquam multi e domo principis equitesque ac senatores sustentasse opibus, iuvisse consiliis dicerentur, haud quaesitum.
40.
Eventually, it became common knowledge throughout Italy that, by the grace of the gods, Agrippa lived and was thought to be in Rome. Already large crowds welcomed him upon his landing at Ostia and celebrated him in clandestine gatherings in the city. Deeply anxious, Tiberius was on the horns of a dilemma, whether to have recourse to the army to suppress his own slave or to allow time itself to dissipate the foolish credulity of the people. Uncertain between fear and shame, at one moment he thought that doing nothing was dangerous, at another that there was no need to be fearful of everything. In the end, he entrusted the matter to Sallustius Crispus, who chose two of his clients (some say they were former soldiers) and instructed them to offer the impostor money by pretending to be his supporters and by promising loyalty and aid even in danger. The two did as they were told. Then, after waiting for a night when Clemens was unprotected, they called in adequate force, had him tied, gagged, and trundled to the palace. To Tiberius’ question as to how he had become Agrippa, he is said to have answered: “In the same way you have become Caesar.” All efforts to have him reveal his accomplices failed. Tiberius did not dare to have him openly executed and had him killed in a secret part of the palace, ordering that his body be disposed of without anyone knowing. Although rumors circulated that many from the house itself of the prince, besides knights and senators, had offered help and suggestions, no inquiry was undertaken.