XLI.
Fine anni arcus propter aedem Saturni ob recepta signa cum Varo amissa ductu Germanici, auspiciis Tiberii, et aedes Fortis Fortunae Tiberim iuxta in hortis, quos Caesar dictator populo Romano legaverat, sacrarium genti Iuliae effigiesque divo Augusto apud Bovillas dicantur. C. Caelio L. Pomponio consulibus Germanicus Caesar a. d. VII. Kal. Iunias triumphavit de Cheruscis Chattisque et Angrivariis quaeque aliae nationes usque ad Albim colunt. vecta spolia, captivi, simulacra montium, fluminum, proeliorum; bellumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipiebatur. augebat intuentium visus eximia ipsius species currusque quinque liberis onustus. sed suberat occulta formido, reputantibus haud prosperum in Druso patre eius favorem vulgi, avunculum eiusdem Marcellum flagrantibus plebis studiis intra iuventam ereptum, brevis et infaustos populi Romani amores.
41.
Towards the end of the year, an arc was raised near the temple of Saturnus to celebrate the recovery, under the leadership of Germanicus and the auspices of Tiberius, of the eagles lost by Varus; a temple was dedicated to Fors Fortuna near the Tiber, in the gardens left by Julius Caesar, the dictator, to the Roman people, and a shrine to the Julian clan and statues to the divine Augustus near Bovillae. On the 26th of May of the next year, Gaius Caelius and Lucius Pomponius being consuls, Germanicus Caesar celebrated the triumph over the Cherusci, the Chatti, the Angrivarii, and all other nations as far as the Albis river. The long parade displayed plunder loaded on wagons, prisoners, and panels depicting the mountains and rivers of Germany, the battles fought there in a war that Germanicus was prohibited from completing, yet which now was being considered won. His handsome figure and the triumphal chariot carrying his five children captivated the admiration of the spectators, but a hidden fear stole into the hearts of those who reflected that the favor of the people for his father Drusus had not been auspicious. Even his uncle Marcellus, himself the object of ardent adoration on the part of the public, had been taken away in the fullness of years. The love of the Roman people, they mused, was both brief and unlucky.
XLII.
Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nec id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur sed angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant.
42.
Tiberius, furthermore, gave three hundred sesterces per head to the plebs in Germanicus’ name and designated himself as his colleague in the consulate. Yet, he was not successful in convincing anyone of the sincerity of his affection, so he decided to send the young man away under the façade of new honors for him, inventing reasons for doing it or grabbing those that chance offered. King Archelaus had been ruling Cappadocia for the previous fifty years and was disliked by Tiberius, the reason being that during his stay in the island of Rhodes the king had ignored him. Archelaus had not done this out of pride, but because he had been advised by those closest to Augustus that friendship with Tiberius was not without risks, since Gaius Caesar, then in the full force of strength and power, had just at that time been sent to put order in the affairs of the Orient. As soon as Tiberius succeeded to the empire after the line of the Caesars became extinct, he induced Archelaus to come to Rome through a letter from his mother, who, without hiding Tiberius’ displeasure, was promising clemency if the king came to plead for it. Either unaware of the ploy or, if one chooses to believe that he understood, fearful of reprisals, he rushed to Rome. Received in a hostile manner by the prince, then made the target of accusations in the senate, exhausted not so much by the charges trumped up against him, but by anxiety, old age, and also by the fact that kings are not used to being treated as equals, let alone with disrespect, he died either by choice or from natural causes. His kingdom was transformed into a province and Tiberius decided that with the income from that province he could reduce the one percent tax on all sales; so, he fixed it at half a percentage point from then on. In that same span of time, Antiochus, king of Commagene, and Philopator, king of Cilicia, also died and their nations were troubled by unrest. The majority of the population favored a Roman governor, others a monarchy, and the provinces of Judea and Syria, weighed down by taxation, were demanding a reduction of the tribute.
XLIII.
Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi apud patres disseruit, nec posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia conponi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum per missae Germanico provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent sed Tiberius demoverat Syria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem conexam Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, praefeceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone qui civili bello resurgentis in Africa partis acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus concesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donec ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; vix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. nec dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data et a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam haud dubie Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectandi divisa namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fovebat: Germanico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine matemi generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, avunculum Augustum ferens. contra Druso proavus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines videbatur: et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellebat. sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi.
43.
Tiberius discussed these matters, as well as the situation in Armenia I mentioned earlier, in the Senate. He argued that only Germanicus’ abilities could deal with the ferment in the east since he was too old to go himself and Drusus still lacked the maturity required. Thus, by decree of the senate the oversea provinces were entrusted to Germanicus with powers, wherever he went, greater than those of the governors, whether they held the office by lot or were chosen by the prince. Tiberius, however, had removed from Syria Creticus Silanus related to Germanicus by family ties, in that Silanus’ daughter had been promised to Nero, Germanicus’ eldest son, and had put Gnaeus Piso at the head of the province. He was a man of violent temper, intolerant of any authority above him, having inherited the pride of his father Piso, who in the civil war had supported with dogged persistence the [Pompeian] party, then regaining strength in Africa against Julius Caesar. Later, though he had followed Brutus and Cassius, he was allowed to return to Rome, where he abstained from seeking office until he was solicited to accept the consulate Augustus was offering him of his own volition. Aside from the inherited character, Piso’s pride was also fed by the high birth and affluence of his wife Plancina. He would hardly yield to Tiberius and considered his sons quite inferior to himself. He had no doubt that he had been chosen governor of Syria to constrain Germanicus’ ambitions: some even believed that Tiberius had given him secret instructions for that purpose. No doubt either that Livia Augusta properly advised Plancina, spurred by feminine jealousy to persecute Agrippina. In fact. the court was divided by tacit preference for either Drusus or Germanicus. Tiberius of course was partial to Drusus, being his own son and of his blood. The antipathy of the uncle for Germanicus gave greater force to the love of others, thanks also to the higher nobility on his mother’s side, which had Marc Antony as his grandfather and Augustus as his uncle, whereas the great-grandfather of Drusus was Pompeius Atticus, a simple knight, who seemed so small in comparison to the grandeur of the Claudii. Furthermore, his wife Agrippina exceeded in fecundity and prestige Livia, the spouse of Drusus. Yet the two brothers got along splendidly with each other, unperturbed by the rivalries of their relatives.
XLIV.
Nec multo post Drusus in Illyricum missus est ut suesceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet; simul iuvenem urbano luxu lascivientem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tutiorem rebatur utroque filio legiones obtinente. sed Suebi praetendebantur auxilium adversus Cheruscos orantes; nam discessu Romanorum ac vacui externo metu gentis adsuetudine et tum aemulatione gloriae arma in se verterant. vis nationum, virtus ducum in aequo; set Maroboduum regis nomen invisum apud popularis, Arminium pro libertate bellantem favor habebat.
44.
Not long after this, Drusus was sent to Illyricum to experience military life and gain the respect of the troops. Besides, Tiberius thought it was better to have the young man in army camps than to have him spoiled by the seductions of the city. He also felt safer knowing that both his sons were in charge of the legions. But the official reason being put forward was the Suevi’s plea for help against the Cherusci. With the departure of the Romans and the absence of an external enemy, the Germans had in fact begun to fight among themselves in keeping with their customs and just then stimulated by rivalry for pre-eminence. The military strength of both nations was the same, and the valor of the leaders was also equal, except that the name of the king made Maroboduus unpopular with his people, whereas Arminius, who fought for liberty, enjoyed their favor.
XLV.
Igitur non modo Cherusci sociique eorum, vetus Arminii miles, sumpsere bellum, sed e regno etiam Marobodui Suebae gentes, Semnones ac Langobardi, defecere ad eum. quibus additis praepollebat, ni Inguiomerus cum manu clientium ad Maroboduum perfugisset, non aliam ob causam quam quia fratris filio iuveni patruus senex parere dedignabatur. deriguntur acies, pari utrimque spe, nec, ut olim apud Germanos, vagis incursibus aut disiectas per catervas: quippe longa adversum nos militia insueverant sequi signa, subsidiis firmari, dicta imperatorum accipere. ac tunc Arminius equo conlustrans cuncta, ut quosque advectus erat, reciperatam libertatem, trucidatas legiones, spolia adhuc et tela Romanis derepta in manibus multorum ostentabat; contra fugacem Maroboduum appellans, proeliorum expertem, Hercyniae latebris defensum; ac mox per dona et legationes petivisse foedus, proditorem patriae, satellitem Caesaris, haud minus infensis animis exturbandum quam Varum Quintilium interfecerint. meminissent modo tot proeliorum, quorum eventu et ad postremum eiectis Romanis satis probatum, penes utros summa belli fuerit.
45.
Thus, not only the Cherusci and their allies, Arminius’ veteran soldiers, went to war, but also some of the Suebian tribes, the Semnones, and Longobardi, defected to him from the kingdom of Maroboduus. With these forces, Arminius would have been superior in numbers, if Inguiomerus with a large company of followers had not sought refuge with Maroboduus, for no reason other than he disdained to obey –he his old uncle – the son of his brother, a mere youngster. The two sides faced each other in an ordered array, the chance of victory equal for both; gone was the way Germans used to fight in the past, with isolated incursions of disordered masses of men, for the long years of fighting against us had taught them to follow the standards, to rely on reserves for support, and to obey orders. Then Arminius, while riding along the ranks of the entire army, as he came to one unit after another, vaunted the recovery of their freedom, the massacre of the legions, and pointed to the spoils won so far and to the arms wrested from the Romans and now in the hands of many of his soldiers. Maroboduus, on the other hand, he called a deserter, an incompetent leader in war, who had found sanctuary in the depths of the Hercynian forest and later, through gifts and envoys, wangled a treaty with Rome, a traitor to the fatherland, a satellite of Caesar who deserved to be wiped out with the same fury that fired them when they destroyed Quintilius Varus. He exhorted them to remember only the many battles the outcome of which, together with the ejection of the Romans, was sufficient proof as to which of the two nations the primacy in war belonged.
XLVI.
Neque Maroboduns iactantia sui aut probris in hostem abstinebat, sed Inguiomerum tenens illo in corpore decus omne Cheruscorum, illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceciderint testabatur: vaecordem Arminium et rerum nescium alienam gloriam in se trahere, quoniam tres vagas legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum fiius eius servitium adhuc tolerent. at se duodecim legionibus petitum duce Tiberio inlibatam Germanorum gloriam servavisse, mox condicionibus aequis discessum; neque paenitere quod ipsorum in manu sit, integrum adversum Romanos bellum an pacem incruentam malint. his vocibus instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae stimulabant, cum a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo decore aut recenti libertate et contra augendae dominationi certaretur. non alias maiore mole concursum neque ambiguo magis eventu, fusis utrimque dextris cornibus; sperabaturque rursum pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in collis subduxisset. id signum perculsi fuit; et transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. responsum est non lure eum adversus Cheruscos arma Romana invocare, qui pugnantis in eundem hostem Romanos nulla ope iuvisset. missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator.
46.
Neither did Maroboduus refrain from boasting about himself and insulting his opponent. Holding the hand of Inguimerus, he assured his listeners that in Inguimerus alone resided the honor of the Cherusci, that every success they had achieved was to be credited to his counsel. Arminius, he said, was a madman, incapable of foresight. He was good at claiming the glory of others for himself since only by treachery he managed to deceive three legions strung out on the march and their leader, who did not expect to be betrayed. This he did at the cost of terrible consequences for Germany and complete dishonor to himself since his wife and child were at that moment condemned to a life of slavery. On the contrary, he, Maroboduus, when confronted by twelve legions led by Tiberius, had preserved unstained the glory of Germany, and hostilities had ended without winners or losers. He did not regret at all, he concluded, that it was now in the hands of his people whether they should prefer full-scale war with the Romans or peace without bloodshed. Apart from being incited by these addresses, the two armies had reasons of their own for being motivated to fight: the Cherusci and the Longobardi fought to preserve their ancient honor or their recently acquired freedom; their adversaries for territorial expansion. No other battle of greater dimensions and a more uncertain outcome was ever seen. On either side, the right-wing was smashed, but the fighting was expected to be resumed if Maroboduus had not moved his camp to the hills. This was a clear sign he was losing the battle, and, left without troops by the desertion of his men, he found refuge with the Marcomani. Messengers were sent to Tiberius to ask for help, but the answer was that he had no right to ask for Roman military assistance against the Cherusci since he had not helped the Romans fight the same enemy. Drusus, however, was sent, as mentioned earlier, to be a guarantor of peace.
XLVII.
Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae nocturno motu terrae, quo inprovisior graviorque pestis fuit. neque solitum in tali casu effugium subveniebat in aperta prorumpendi, quia diductis terris hauriebantur. sedisse inmensos montis, visa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsisse inter ruinam ignis memorant. asperrima in Sardianos lues plurimum in eosdem misericordiae traxit: nam centies sestertium pollicitus Caesar, et quantum aerario aut fisco pendebant in quinquennium remisit. Magnetes a Sipylo proximi damno ac remedio habiti. Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas, Apollonidenses, quique Mosteni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur, et Hierocaesariam, Myrinam, Cymen, Tmolum levari idem in tempus tributis mittique ex senatu placuit, qui praesentia spectaret refoveretque. delectus est M. Ateius e praetoriis, ne consulari obtinente Asiam aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur.
47.
In that same year, twelve populous cities of Asia were destroyed by an earthquake that occurred at night, thus making the disaster all the more damaging and unexpected. Neither was the remedy, usual in such cases, of fleeing into the open at all helpful, in that people were swallowed up by the chasms opening in the ground. It is said that huge mountains collapsed, that level spaces were seen to rise up into the air, that flames had blazed among the ruins. The cataclysm struck most viciously the inhabitants of Sardis, hence most of the compassionate assistance was directed at them. Tiberius promised them ten million sesterces and exoneration for five years from their contributions to the public treasury and to the imperial exchequer. After Sardis, the city most affected and therefore most in need of help was Magnesia at the foot of Mount Sipylus. It was resolved to remit the tribute for the same length of time to the people of Temnos, Philadelphia, Aegea, Apollonis, to those called Mostenians as well as to those known as Hyrcanian Macedonians, to the towns of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and Tmolus. A representative of the senate was sent to assess the situation and offer support. Marcus Ateius, a man of praetorian rank, was chosen in consideration of the fact that the governor of Asia was consular status and that any rivalry between men of equal rank might therefore be an impediment to the relief effort.
XLVIII.
Magnificam in publicum largitionem auxit Caesar haud minus grata liberalitate, quod bona Aemiliae Musae, locupletis intestatae, petita in fiscum, Aemilio Lepido, cuius e domo videbatur, et Pantulei divitis equitis Romani here ditatem, quamquam ipse heres in parte legeretur, tradidit M. Servilio, quem prioribus neque suspectis tabulis scriptum compererat, nobilitatem utriusque pecunia iuvandam praefatus. neque hereditatem cuiusquam adiit nisi cum amicitia meruisset: ignotos et aliis infensos eoque principem nuncupantis procul arcebat. ceterum ut honestam innocentium paupertatem levavit, ita prodigos et ob flagitia egentis, Vibidium Varronem, Marium Nepotem, Appium Appianum, Cornelium Sullam, Q. Vitellium movit senatu aut sponte cedere passus est.
48.
Tiberius perfected this commendable generosity for the public good with a private liberality that was no less appreciated. The property of Aemilia Musa, an affluent matron who had died intestate, was claimed by the imperial treasury, but Tiberius assigned it instead to Aemilius Lepidus, who appeared to be her relative. Similarly, the heredity of Pantuleius, a rich Roman knight, though a part of it had been willed to Tiberius himself, he gave it in its entirety to Marcus Servilius, whom the prince had seen designated as the only heir in an anterior and uncontested testament. He justified his decision by saying that the nobility of both Lepidus and Servilius would be helped by the money. He refused to accept anyone’s patrimony unless it came to him on the strength of friendly relations with the deceased. He kept his distance from people he did not know and from those who made the prince their heir solely to spite others. On the other hand, just as he brought relief to those in a state of dignified poverty, so, also, he removed from the senate or allowed to leave it voluntarily, prodigal spendthrifts and anyone who became destitute in consequence of their vices, like Vibidius Virro, Marius Nepo, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, and Quintus Vitellius.
XLIX.
Isdem temporibus deum aedis vetustate aut igni abolitas coeptasque ab Augusto dedicavit, Libero Liberaeque et Cereri iuxta circum maximum, quam A. Postumius dictator voverat, eodemque in loco aedem Florae ab Lucio et Marco Publiciis aedilibus constitutam, et Iano templum, quod apud forum holitorium C. Duilius struxerat, qui primus rem Romanam prospere mari gessit triumphumque navalem de Poenis meruit. Spei aedes a Germanico sacratur: hanc A. Atilius voverat eodem bello.
49.
At the same time, he consecrated temples made derelict by age or fire and those the reconstruction of which was left unfinished by Augustus: the one to Liber, Libera, and Ceres near the Circus Maximus, devoted by the dictator Aulus Postumius, and in the same place the shrine to Flora, erected by the aediles Lucius and Marcus Publicius, or the temple to Janus within the Herb market, raised by Gaius Duilius, the first to achieve a Roman victory at sea, thereby earning a triumph over the Carthaginians. The temple to Hope was consecrated by Germanicus: Aulus Atilius had dedicated it in the first Punic war.
L.
Adolescebat interea lex maiestatis. et Appuleiam Varillam, sororis Augusti neptem, quia probrosis sermonibus divum Augustum ac Tiberium et matrem eius inlusisset Caesarique conexa adulterio teneretur, maiestatis delator arcessebat. de adulterio satis caveri lege Iulia visum: maiestatis crimen distingui Caesar postulavit damnarique, si qua de Augusto inreligiose dixisset: in se iacta nolle ad cognitionem vocari. interrogatus a consule quid de iis censeret quae de matre eius locuta secus argueretur reticuit; dein proximo senatus die illius quoque nomine oravit ne cui verba in eam quoquo modo habita crimini forent. liberavitque Appuleiam lege maiestatis: adulterii graviorem poenam deprecatus, ut exemplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra ducentesimum lapidem removeretur suasit. adultero Manlio Italia atque Africa interdictum est.
50.
The law of lese majesty, meanwhile, was gaining strength. An informer invoked it against Appuleia Varilla, niece of one of Augustus’ sisters, alleging that she had made the divine Augustus, as well as Tiberius and his mother, the object of irreverent remarks and also of keeping up, she one of the emperor’s own relatives, an adulterous affair. About the adultery, Tiberius judged that the Julia law could well see to it; as to the crime of majesty, he demanded that it be treated separately from the other charges and that a conviction be considered only for the disrespectful references to Augustus, if any were proven, adding that he did not want an inquiry for derogatory words against himself. On being asked by the consul what his decision was in regard to the offensive language about his mother, he kept silent, but in the next meeting of the senate, he requested, also in Livia’s name, not to consider incriminating any expressions Appuleia had used towards his mother. Thus, he absolved the defendant of any crime of lese majesty, but deplored the serious charge of adultery and persuaded Appuleia’s relatives to have her relegated to a place more than two hundred miles from Rome on the example set by the forefathers. Manlius, her partner in crime, was banished from Italy and Africa.