LI.
De praetore in locum Vipstani Galli, quem mors abstulerat, subrogando certamen incessit. Germanicus.atque Drusus (nam etiam tum Romae erant) Haterium Agrippam propinquum Germanici fovebant: contra plerique nitebantur ut numerus liberorum in candidatis praepolleret, quod lex iubebat. laetabatur Tiberius, cum inter filios eius et leges senatus disceptaret. victa est sine dubio lex, sed neque statim et paucis suffragiis, quo modo etiam cum valerent leges vincebantur.
51.
The election of a praetor to replace Vipstanus Gallus, who had died, led to a heated debate. Germanicus and Drusus (both at that time still in Rome) favored Haterius Agrippa, a relative of Germanicus; against were the majority of the senate who wanted a candidate chosen who had the largest number of children, as the law required. Tiberius was delighted that the senate was then obliged to choose between his sons and the law. Naturally, the law lost out, but not at once and with only a small margin of votes. This was the way laws were thwarted even when they had real vigor.
LII.
Eodem anno coeptum in Africa bellum, duce hostium Tacfarinate. is natione Numida, in castris Romanis auxiliaria stipendia meritus, mox desertor, vagos primum et latrociniis suetos ad praedam et raptus congregare, dein more militiae per vexilla et turmas componere, postremo non inconditae turbae sed Musulamiorum dux haberi. valida ea gens et solitudinibus Africae propinqua, nullo etiam tum urbium cultu, cepit arma Maurosque accolas in bellum traxit: dux et his, Mazippa. divisusque exercitus, ut Tacfarinas lectos viros et Romanum in modum armatos castris attineret, disciplina et imperiis suesceret, Mazippa levi cum copia incendia et caedis et terrorem circumferret. compulerantque Cinithios, haud spernendam nationem, in eadem, cum Furius Camillus pro consule Africae legionem et quod sub signis sociorum in unum conductos ad hostem duxit, modicam manum, si multitudinem Numidarum atque Maurorum spectares; sed nihil aeque cavebatur quam ne bellum metu eluderent; spe victoriae inducti sunt ut vincerentur. igitur legio medio, leves cohortes duaeque alae in cornibus locantur. nec Tacfarinas pugnam detrectavit. fusi Numidae, multosque post annos Furio nomini partum decus militiae. nam post illum reciperatorem urbis filiumque eius Camillum penes alias familias imperatoria laus fuerat; atque hic, quem memoramus, bellorum expers habebatur. eo pronior Tiberius res gestas apud senatum celebravit; et decrevere patres triumphalia insignia, quod Camillo ob modestiam vitae impune fuit.
52.
In the same year, the war in Africa broke out. Tacfarinas was at the head of the enemy forces, a Numidiab by birth who had served in Roman camps as an auxiliary soldier, then turned deserter and began to bring together, with the aim of conducting plundering raids bands of vagabonds given to robbery. Later he formed them into some sort of an army composed of infantry and cavalry units. In the end, he was seen not as the head of disorderly gangs, but as the leader of the Musulanii. These powerful people, living at the edge of the African desert and having no idea even then of urban life, eagerly joined the fight and even dragged into the war their neighbors, the Mauri, whose chief was Mazippa. Now the army was divided, so that Tacfarinas would keep the best fighters in camp, armed on the Roman pattern, to inure them to discipline and compliance with orders, while Mazippa with lightly armed forces would spread terror all around with fire and slaughter. Tacfarinas had compelled the Cinithii, a far from negligible people, to join the cause, when Furius Camillus, the proconsular governor of Africa, assembled in a single body the legion and whatever allied troops he had under the standards and led them against the enemy. His forces were puny compared to the dense masses of the Numidians and Mauri, yet nothing was feared as much as that the enemy would refuse battle out of fear of the Romans: it was the certitude of victory that pushed the Africans to defeat. The legion was placed in the center, the light cohorts and two cavalry units on the wings. Neither did Tacfarinas refuse the challenge, but the Numidians were routed. It had been a long time since the name of the Furii had gained renown for military success, for after that celebrated saviour of Rome and his son Camillus, the prestige of having military commanders victorious in war passed to other families. Even this Furius, of whom we speak here, was known to possess no military skills, therefore Tiberius was all the more prone to extol his achievement in the senate, which decreed to Furius the triumphal insignia, an honor that never became a danger to Camillus in view of the unassuming conduct of the man.
LIII.
Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Germanicum iterum consules habuit. sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox Ionii maris adversam navigationem perpessus. igitur paucos dies insumpsit reficiendae classi; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacratas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione maiorum suorum adiit. namque ei, ut memoravi, avunculus Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque. hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur. excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, vetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet.
53.
The next year saw Tiberius consul for the third and Germanicus for the second time. The latter, however, entered the office while in Nicopolis, a city of Achaia where he had come by sailing close to the Illyrian coast, after visiting his brother Drusus, who was serving in Dalmatia, and after suffering much hardship while navigating the adverse Adriatic and the Ionian Sea. He, therefore, spent a few days to have his fleet refitted and meanwhile took advantage of the occasion to go and see the bay made famous by the victory at Actium, the trophies dedicated by Augustus, and Antony’s camp, all of which reminded him of his forefathers. Augustus was in fact, as pointed out earlier, his granduncle and Antony his grandfather, thus a host of memories of events both tragic and glorious filled his mind. From there he went to Athens and, out of thoughtful regard for the treaty with us of that allied and ancient city, he was accompanied by a single lictor. The Greek people received him with extraordinary honor and, to lend more impressiveness to their flattery, kept bringing up the memorable deeds and sayings of their ancestors.
LIV.
Petita inde Euboea tramisit Lesbum ubi Agrippina novissimo partu Iuliam edidit. tum extrema Asiae Perinthumque ac Byzantium, Thraecias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et os Ponticum intrat, cupidine veteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; pariterque provincias internis certaminibus aut magistratuum iniuriis fessas refovebat. atque illum in regressu sacra Samothracum visere nitentem obvii aquilones depulere. igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colophona ut Clarii Apollinis oraculo uteretur. non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit. et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitum cecinisse.
54.
Having reached Euboea, he crossed over to Lesbos, where Agrippina gave birth to Julia, her last child. From there, after reaching the westernmost parts of Asia Perinthus and Byzantium, both cities of Thrace, he sailed into the strait of the Propontis as far as the entrance to the Pontus, spurred on by the desire to view these ancient regions made famous by history. At the same time, he took measures to bring order to provinces exhausted by internal conflict and by the vexatious management of magistrates. On the return journey, he intended to see the Mysteries of the Samothracians, but the hostile north wind blew him off course. So, he went to see the ruins of Ilium, an opportunity to reflect on the changing fortunes of Troy and to honor the native soil of our race. He coasted Asia again and landed in Colophon to interrogate the oracle of Apollo at Claros. Here, not a woman, as at Delphi, but a priest officiates, chosen from specific families for the most part from Miletus. He asks only the number and names of those who consult him, then retires to his cave and after drinking water from a mysterious source, gives his response in verses, although he is often illiterate and knows nothing of poetry, to questions the postulant formulates in his mind only. It was reported that he predicted to Germanicus, albeit in riddles as the custom of oracles is, a premature death.
LV.
At Cn. Piso quo properantius destinata inciperet civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens quod contra decus Romani nominis non Atheniensis tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Augustum socios. etiam vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones inprospere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent. exim navigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus foret: sed tanta mansuetudine agebat ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. neque tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus linquit Germanicum praevenitque. et postquam Syriam ac legiones attigit, largitione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuvando, cum veteres centuriones, severos tribunos demoveret locaque eorum clientibus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est ut sermone vulgi parens legionum haberetur. nec Plancina se intra decora feminis tenebat, .sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod haud invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit.
55.
Gnaeus Piso, meanwhile, in his eagerness to realize his plan, made a menacing entrance into Athens and took the frightened citizenry harshly to the task – an attack indirectly aimed at Germanicus – for having, he said, extended excessive honors, to the discredit of Roman dignity, not to Athenians (none in his opinion was left after so many defeats), but to the dregs of every nation, the supporters of Mithridates against Sulla, of Antony against the divine Augustus. He even dragged out events from the past history, rebuking the Athenians for the wars they had lost against the Macedonians or for the ill-treatment of their own citizens. Personal reasons added to his anger, in that they had slighted his personal intervention in favor of a certain Theophilus, condemned for forgery by the Aeropagus. From Athens, sailing rapidly through the Cyclades and by a shorter sea route, he overtook Germanicus near the island of Rhodes, who was fully informed of the slanderous attacks of which he had been made the target. However, he was a man of such mildness that, when a tempest rose up that was drawing [Piso’s ship] towards the rocks, he sent out some triremes to save him from mortal danger, although he could have attributed the death of his nemesis to chance. This kindness did not in the least mitigate Piso’s antipathy, who hardly prevailed on to remain a day and who left ahead of Germanicus. As soon as he reached Syria and the legions, he had recourse to donatives and preferential treatment to favor the lowest among the soldiers, while he demoted senior centurions and strict tribunes, assigning their places to his proteges or to the worst elements in the ranks. He allowed laziness in the camp, license in the towns, and the soldiery to rove about the countryside causing mischief. Things had arrived at such a stage of deregulation, that in the language of the rank-and-file he was known as ‘the father of the legions.’ Neither did Plancina stay within the bounds of feminine propriety but intervened in the exercises of the cavalry, in the maneuvers of the cohorts and would throw out offensive remarks about Agrippina and Germanicus, thereby inviting the disrespect of even some of the best soldiers, since a rumor circulated that all this was not done without the tacit assent of the emperor. These doings were well known to Germanicus, but he was more concerned with reaching Armenia first.
LVI.
Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ terrarum, quoniam nostris provinciis late praetenta penitus ad Medos porrigitur; maximisque imperiis interiecti et saepius discordes sunt, adversus Romanos odio et in Parthum invidia. regem illa tempestate non habobant, amoto Vonone: sed favor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem, Polemonis regis Pontici filium, quod is prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus, venatu epulis et quae alia barbari celebrant, proceres plebemque iuxta de vinxerat. igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. ceteri venerantes regem Artaxiam consalutavere, quod illi vocabulum indiderant ex nomine urbis. at Cappadoces in formam provinciae redacti Q. Veranium legatum accepere; et quaedam ex regiis tributis deminuta quo mitius Romanum imperium speraretur. Commagenis Q. Servaeus praeponitur, tum primum ad ius praetoris translatis.
56.
The people of this country could not be trusted since ancient times, both on the strength of their character and of their geographical location, placed for a long tract along the frontiers of our provinces and extending as far as Media. Thus, they were placed between two superpowers and were quite often troublesome neighbors, both towards the Romans, whom they hated as their enemies and towards the Parthians, whom they envied as their rivals. At this time, they had no king, Vonones having been removed, but the favor of the nation inclined to Zeno, the son of Polemon, the king of Pontus. The reason was that Zeno had since his infancy embraced the tradition and culture of the Arminians, and had earned the favor of the upper class and of the common people with his love of hunting, feasting, and whatever else these barbarians delight in. Germanicus, therefore, with the assent of the nobles and the enthusiastic participation of the people, placed on the head of Zeno the royal crown in the city of Artaxata. All the others, on their knees, saluted him king with the name of Artaxia, derived from that of the city. As to the Cappadocians, they were reduced to the status of Roman province and given Quintus Veranius as governor. The tributes, formerly imposed by the kings, were somewhat reduced, in the hope of making Rome’s rule appear lighter. Quintus Servaeus was assigned to the Commagenes, which came for the first time under the authority of a praetor.
LVII.
Cunctaque socialia prospere composita non ideo laetum Germanicum habebant ob superbiam Pisonis qui iussus partem legionum ipse aut per filium in Armeniam ducere utrumque neglexerat Cyrri demum apud hiberna decumae legionis convenere, firmato vultu, Piso adversus metum, Germanicus ne minari crederetur; et erat, ut rettuli, clementior. sed amici accendendis offensionibus callidi intendere vera, adgerere falsa ipsumque et Plancinam et filios variis modis criminari. postremo paucis familiarium adhibitis sermo coeptus a Caesare, qualem ira et dissimulatio gignit, responsum a Pisone precibus contumacibus; discesseruntque apertis odiis. post quae rarus in tribunali Caesaris Piso, et si quando adsideret, atrox ac dissentire manifestus. vox quoque eius audita est in convivio, cum apud regem Nabataeorum coronae aureae magno pondere Caesari et Agrippinae, leves Pisoni et ceteris offerrentur, principis Romani, non Parthi regis filio eas epulas dari; abiecitque simul coronam et multa in luxum addidit quae Germanico quamquam acerba tolerabantur tamen.
57.
The successful handling of the relations among the allies brought Germanicus little joy, on account of Piso’s arrogance, who, on being ordered to have a part of the legions led to Armenia either by himself or by his son, did nothing of the sort. In the end, they convened at Cyrrhus in the camp of the Tenth legion, their countenance studiously set, Piso to mask his fears, Germanicus to avoid appearing threatening. Caesar was, as I said earlier, almost to excess a mild man, but his friends, very adept at kindling resentment, tended to stretch what was true and to add what was not, in a variety of ways incriminating Piso, Plancina, and their son. At length, in the presence of a few friends, Germanicus spoke first, trying to dissimulate his anger, and Piso countered by proudly justifying himself. In the end, they parted openly inimical. After that encounter, Piso was rarely present in Caesar’s tribunal and, if he was, his expression was hard and clearly dissenting. During a banquet given by the king of the Nabateans, when heavy golden crowns were given to Germanicus and Agrippina and lighter ones to the rest, he was heard saying that the banquet was in honor of a Roman prince and not of the son of a Parthian king. In so saying, he threw down the crown and added comments condemning luxury. Such behaviour, though bitter fare to Germanicus, he swallowed in silence.
LVIII.
Inter quae ab rege Parthorum Artabano legati venere. miserat amicitiam ac foedus memoraturos, et cupere novari dextras, daturumque honori Germanici ut ripam Euphratis accederet: petere interim ne Vonones in Syria haberetur neu proceres gentium propinquis nuntiis ad discordias traheret. ad ea Germanicus de societate Romanorum Partorumque magnifice, de adventu regis et cultu sui cum decore ac modestia respondit. Vonones Pompeiopolim, Ciliciae maritimam urbem, amotus est. datum id non modo 6 precibus Artabani, sed contumeliae Pisonis cui gratissimus erat ob plurima oflicia et dona quibus Plancinam devinxerat.
58.
A delegation of the Parthian king Artabanus presented itself at about this time. He had sent it to rekindle the memory of the friendly alliance between the two empires and to express the desire to renew the bond. In deference to Germanicus, he said, he would come himself to the bank of the Euphrates. He was asking, meanwhile, that Vonones be removed from Syria, to prevent him (given the ease of communication) from spreading sedition through his agents among the nobility of the kingdom. Germanicus responded in glowing terms regarding the alliance between Rome and Parthia and with dignified modesty about the approach of the king and the honor shown to himself. Vonones was relegated to Pompeiopolis a city of Cilicia by the sea: this concession was made not only to please Artabanus, but also to spite Piso, to whom Vonones was very dear in view of the great number of services and gifts he had received, through which he had successfully wooed Plancina.
LIX.
Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset.
59.
During the consulate of Marcus Silanus and Lucius Norbanus, Germanicus went to Egypt to view the antiquities, though the official reason was to see to the needs of the province. He reduced the price of grain by opening the granaries and made himself popular in other ways: he moved around without escort, he wore open sandals and the pallium, just like the Greeks, in imitation of Publius Scipio, who – we are told – was doing the same when he was in Sicily, even though the Punic war was still raging. Tiberius gently remonstrated for the way he dressed and behaved, but sharply reprimanded him for entering Alexandria without the emperor’s approval, in contravention of Augustus’ caveat. In fact, among other mysterious aspects of his power, Augustus, by making it a crime for any senator or prominent knight to enter Egypt without permission, subjected Egypt to special supervision, fearing famines in Italy, if any daring man were to occupy that province, which held the key to both land and sea, with however small a force, even against great armies.
LX.
Sed Germanicus nondum comperto profectionem eam incusari Nilo subvehebatur, orsus oppido a Canopo. condidere id Spartani ob sepultum illic rectorem navis Canopum, qua tempestate Menelaus Graeciam repetens diversum ad mare terramque Libyam deiectus est. inde proximum amnis os dicatum Herculi, quem indigenae ortum apud se et antiquissimum perhibent eosque, qui postea pari virtute fuerint, in cognomentum eius adscitos; mox visit veterum Thebarum magna vestigia. et manebant structis molibus litterae Aegyptiae, priorem opulentiam complexae: iussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium sermonem interpretari, referebat habitasse quondam septingenta milia aetate militari, atque eo cum exercitu regem Rhamsen Libya Aethiopia Medisque et Persis et Bactriano ac Scytha potitum quasque terras Suri Armeniique et contigui Cappadoces colunt, inde Bithynum, hinc Lycium ad mare imperio tenuisse. legebantur et indicta gentibus tributa, pondus argenti et auri, numerus armorum equorumque et dona templis ebur atque odores, quasque copias frumenti et omnium utensilium quaeque natio penderet, haud minus magnifica quam nunc vi Parthorum aut potentia Romana iubentur.
60.
But Germanicus, unaware of being accused of traveling in Egypt illegally, was sailing on the Nile after starting from Canopus, a city founded by the Spartans, since here was buried the ship pilot Canopus at the time Menelaus, during his return to Greece, was thrown into a faraway sea and onto the shores of Libya. From Canopus he entered the nearest mouth of the Nile, which is dedicated to Hercules, whom the native people claim to have been born in their country in a very distant past. They also say that those who came later and equaled him in bravery were all named after him. Soon after Germanicus visited the massive vestiges of ancient Thebes. On its colossal monuments, inscriptions were still present in Egyptian characters, remembering the rich splendor of previous ages. One of the older priests asked to translate the words of his forefathers, read that in the past seven hundred thousand men fit to carry arms had lived in Thebes and that with such an army king Rhamses, after conquering Libya, Ethiopia, Media, Persia, Bactria, Scythia, and the lands inhabited by Syrians, Armenians, and their neighbors the Cappadocians, had extended his dominions as far as the sea of Bithynia on one side and of Lycia on the other. Even the tributes imposed to these peoples were recorded, the measure in weight of gold and silver, the number of arms and horses, the votive gifts to the temples, ivory, perfumes, the amount of grain and other provisions each nation was required to furnish; in brief, tributes as imposing as those levied at present by the Parthian or by the Roman empire.