LXXI.
Caesar paulisper ad spem erectus, dein fesso corpore ubi finis aderat, adsistentis amicos in hunc modum adloquitur: ‘si fato concederem, iustus mihi dolor etiam adversus deos esset, quod me parentibus liberis patriae intra inventam praematuro exitu raperent: nunc scelere Pisonis et Plancinae interceptus ultimas preces pectoribus vestris relinquo: referatis patri ac fratri, quibus acerbitatibus dilaceratus, quibus insidiis circumventus miserrimam vitam pessima morte finierim. si quos spes meae, si quos propinquus sanguis, etiam quos invidia erga viventem movebat, inlacrimabunt quondam florentem et tot bellorum superstitem muliebri fraude cecidisse. erit vobis locus querendi apud senatum, invocandi leges. non hoc praecipuum amicorum munus est, prosequi defunctum ignavo questu, sed quae voluerit meminisse, quae mandaverit exequi. flebunt Germanicum etiam ignoti: vindicabitis vos, si me potius quam fortunam meam fovebatis. ostendite populo Romano divi Augusti neptem eandemque coniugem meam, numerate sex liberos. misericordia cum accusantibus erit fingentibusque scelesta mandata aut non credent homines aut non ignoscent.’ iuravere amici dextram morientis contingentes spiritum ante quam ultionem amissuros.
71.
Germanicus felt some hope of recovery for a short while, but soon his body was drained again of all strength, and, when he felt close to the end, spoke these last words to his friends, crowded around him: “If I were surrendering my life to fate, I would be justified in inveighing against the gods for tearing me away from my parents, my children, my country by a premature death in the flower of youth. Now, a victim to the iniquity of Piso and Plancina, I entrust to your hearts my last prayers. Report back to my father and to my brother by what abuses lacerated, by what ploys ensnared, I have concluded this most miserable life with the worst of deaths. If any were stimulated by my prospects in life, by ties of blood with me, even by envy towards me while I lived, these will surely shed tears over a man, once so fortunate and a survivor of so many wars, who was destroyed by the tricks of a woman. You will have opportunities to complain in the senate, to invoke the laws: the most important task of friends is not to accompany the dead with passive lamentations, but to remember his last desires and to execute his last mandates. Even people unknown to me will mourn Germanicus, but you will avenge him if your attachment was more to me than to my fortunes. Show to the Roman people the granddaughter of the divine Augustus, my wife, point out to them each one of my six children: compassion will be for the accusers and no man will believe or much less pardon those who will mendaciously claim to have obeyed criminal orders.” His friends swore, holding the right hand of the dying man, that they would sooner renounce life than vengeance.
LXXII.
Tum ad uxorem versus per memoriam sui, per communis liberos oravit exueret ferociam, saevienti fortunae summitteret animum, neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae validiores inritaret. haec palam et alia secreto per quae ostendisse credebatur metum ex Tiberio. neque multo post extinguitur, ingenti luctu provinciae et circumiacentium populorum. indoluere exterae nationes regesque: tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo in hostis; visuque et auditu iuxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem et gravitatem summae fortunae retineret, invidiam et adrogantiam effugerat.
72.
Then, turning to his wife, he begged her, in remembrance of himself and in the name of the children they had together, to contain her pride, to submit to the cruelty of destiny and, upon her return to Rome, not to provoke conflict by trying to compete with those far more powerful than herself. This was said in the presence of others, but it was presumed that he expressed to her in secret his fears of Tiberius. A little later he died among the deep sorrow of the province and of the neighboring nations. He was mourned by foreign peoples and kings, so great was his affability towards the allies and his clemency towards enemies. He inspired respect with his presence and words and though he retained the greatness and gravity of his station, he never gave offense and no one thought him arrogant.
LXXIII.
Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur.
73.
The funeral was without images and pomp, yet stood out for the praises and tributes to Germanicus’ virtues. There were those who drew comparisons with Alexander the Great in regard to appearance, age, and manner of death, even in the proximity of the places where they died. Both, they said, were handsome and of noble birth, both were not much above thirty years of age and had died among foreign people, victims of intestine plots. Germanicus, however, had always been gentle with friends, moderate in his pleasures, faithful to one wife, and parent of legitimate children; he was not inferior to Alexander as a military leader, though he was averse to overbold plans and was prevented from forcing the German nations, already shaken by so many Roman victories, to obedience. If he had been the sole master of the world, if he had been king in name and authority [as Alexander was], he would have equaled all the more promptly the other’s military glory, just as he was by far his superior in clemency, moderation, and all the other qualities. Before being cremated, his body was exposed naked in the forum of Antioch, the place chosen for the funeral rites. There was no reliable evidence of death by poisoning, thus conflicting interpretations were advanced for his death, depending on whether one presumed treachery out of pity for Germanicus or was biased in favor of Piso.
LXXIV.
Consultatum inde inter legatos quique alii senatorum aderant quisnam Syriae praeficeretur. et ceteris modice nisis, inter Vibium Marsum et Cn. Sentium diu quaesitum: dein Marsus seniori et acrius tendenti Sentio concessit. isque infamem veneficiis ea in provincia et Plancinae percaram nomine Martinam in urbem misit, postulantibus Vitellio ac Veranio ceterisque qui crimina et accusationem tamquam adversus receptos iam reos instruebant.
74.
A meeting was held among the legates of the legions and other senators in attendance to decide who should be placed in control of Syria. Since most were rather lukewarm in their claims, the choice was the longest between Vibius Marsus and Gnaeus Sentius. Marsus then left the field to Sentius, older and more obstinate. He sent to Rome a woman named Martina, infamous in that province for her poisonings, and especially dear to Plancina. This was done at the instance of Vitellius, Veranius, and others occupied in preparing the trial and in gathering criminal charges as if the judicial process were already underway.
LXXV.
At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem morarentur intolerans ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miserantibus cunctis quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et infelici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia. Pisonem interim apud Coum insulam nuntius adsequitur excessisse Germanicum. quo intemperanter accepto caedit victimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium moderans et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum amissae sororis tum primum laeto cultu mutavit.
75.
As to Agrippina, though consumed by grief and in poor health, but intolerant of anything that might postpone her vengeance, boarded the ship with her children and her husband’s ashes. All were moved to compassion at the sight of a woman of great nobility until lately accustomed to being admired by a reverent and adoring public for her wonderful marriage, now carrying close to her bosom the mortal remains of the husband, uncertain of receiving justice, anxious about her future, and vulnerable in so many ways to the blows of fortune on account of her hapless fecundity. At the same time, Piso received news of Germanicus’ death while he was near the island of Coos and welcomed it with boundless joy. He sacrificed victims and frequented the temples, incapable of containing his delight. Even more intemperate than he was Plancina, who cut short her mourning for her dead sister and at once put on festive clothes.
LXXVI.
Adfluebant centuriones monebantque prompta illi legionum studia: repeteret provinciam non iure ablatam et vacuam. igitur quid agendum consultanti M. Piso filius properandum in urbem censebat: nihil adhuc inexpiabile admissum neque suspiciones imbecillas aut inania famae pertimescenda. discordiam erga Germanicum odio fortasse dignam, non poena; et ademptione provinciae satis factum immicis. quod si regrederetur, obsistente Sentio civile bellum incipi; nec duraturos in partibus centuriones militesque apud quos recens imperatoris sui memoria et penitus infixus in Caesares amor praevaleret.
76.
Centurions came in a steady procession to assure Piso that the legions were in his favor: they urged him to return to Syria, unjustly taken from him and now without a leader. While he was pondering what he should do, his son Marcus strongly advised him to go to Rome: nothing that could not be justified had been done, he said, no reason to fear foolish suspicions and unfounded rumors; his disputes with Germanicus might make him unpopular but not guilty; his ejection from the province was enough to appease his enemies. If instead, he returned to Syria, Sentius’ opposition might trigger a civil war; the support of centurions and soldiers would not last, as the fresh memory of their own general and the deeply entrenched love of the Caesars would certainly prevail.
LXXVII.
Contra Domitius Celer, ex intima eius amicitia, disseruit utendum eventu: Pisonem, non Sentium Syriae praepositum; huic fascis et ius praetoris, huic legiones datas. si quid hostile ingruat, quem iustius arma oppositurum quam qui legati auctoritatem et propria mandata acceperit? relinquendum etiam rumoribus tempus quo senescant: plerumque innocentis recenti invidiae imparis. at si teneat exercitum, augeat viris, multa quae provideri non possint fortuito in melius casura. ‘an festinamus cum Germanici cineribus adpellere, ut te inauditum et indefensum planctus Agrippinae ac vulgus imperitum primo rumore rapiant? est tibi Augustae conscientia, est Caesaris favor, sed in occulto, et perisse Germanicum nulli iactantius maerent quam qui maxime laetantur.’
77.
Against Marcus’ advice, Domitius Celer, one of Piso’s intimate friends, argued the need to take advantage of the moment: Piso, not Sentius, had been placed in charge of Syria. To him were given the fasces, the praetorian powers, and the legions; in case of the enemy attack who would more rightfully oppose armed resistance than he, who had received the authority and personal mandates to do so? Even gossip must be given time to lose its novelty. Most often the innocent succumb to fresh odium. If he had the army on his side and strengthened his forces, many things that at the moment could not be foreseen might turn out favorably. Should they rush to arrive in Rome at the same time as Germanicus’ ashes, in order for Piso, to be overwhelmed, unheard and undefended, at the first spread of the rumor, by the loud cries of Agrippina and of the ignorant mob? He had for himself Augusta’s support and the emperor’s favor, albeit in secret. No one was going to mourn the death of Germanicus with more ostentation than those who were most pleased by it.
LXXVIII.
Haud magna mole Piso promptus ferocibus in sententiam trahitur missisque ad Tiberium epistulis incusat Germanicum luxus et superbiae; seque pulsum, ut locus rebus novis patefieret, curam exercitus eadem fide qua tenuerit repetivisse. simul Domitium impositum triremi vitare litorum oram praeterque insulas lato mari pergere in Syriam iubet. concurrentis desertores per manipulo componit, armat lixas traiectisque in continentem navibus vexillum tironum in Syriam euntium intercipit, regulis Cilicum ut se auxiliis iuvarent scribit, haud ignavo ad ministeria belli iuvene Pisone, quamquam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset.
78.
Piso, always in favor of fighting back, needed little encouragement to agree with Celer. He sent a letter to Tiberius denouncing Germanicus’ pride and love of pomp. About himself, he wrote that he had been expelled from Syria by Germanicus so as to have an open field for his subversive plans. He, Piso, had returned to take the army again in hand with the same loyalty with which he had always served. At the same time, he told Domitian to head for Syria in a trireme by keeping to the open sea, away from the islands and the coast. He formed into regular maniples the deserters coming in from all sides, armed the sutlers, enlisted a detachment of recruits on their way to Syria he had intercepted while taking the fleet to the mainland, and finally wrote to the petty kings of Cilicia to send reinforcements. Piso’s son Marcus participated with great alacrity in the preparations for war, even though he had previously been against any recourse to arms.
LXXIX.
Igitur oram Lyciae ac Pamphyliae praelegentes, obviis navibus quae Agrippinam vehebant, utrimque infensi arma primo expediere: dein mutua formidine non ultra iurgium processum est, Marsusque Vibius nuntiavit Pisoni Romam ad dicendam causam veniret. ille eludens respondit adfuturum ubi praetor qui de veneficiis quaereret reo atque accusatoribus diem prodixisset. interim Domitius Laodiciam urbem Syriae adpulsus, cum hiberna sextae legionis peteret, quod eam maxime novis consiliis idoneam rebatur, a Pacuvio legato praevenitur. id Sentius Pisoni per litteras aperit monetque ne castra corruptoribus, ne provinciam bello temptet. quosque Germanici memores aut inimicis eius adversos cognoverat, contrahit, magnitudinem imperatoris identidem ingerens et rem publicam armis peti; ducitque validam manum et proelio paratam.
79.
It chanced that, while sailing along the coast of Lycia and Pamphilia [on their way to Syria], they came across the ships that were carrying Agrippina to Rome. At first, both sides prepared to fight it out, then mutual fear prevented things from going beyond an exchange of insults. Marcus Vibius enjoined Piso to come to Rome and face trial; Piso answered derisively he would come whenever the praetor assigned to cases of poisoning had set a date for both the accused and accusers to appear. Domitius in the meantime landed at Laodicea, a city of Syria, and made for the winter camp of the Sixth legion, a unit he judged best suited for his seditious designs, but the legate Pacuvius pre-empted him, and Sentius sent a letter to Piso about Domitius’ attempt, warning him not to undermine the loyalty of the camps with his agents and of the province with war. He brought together those he knew were faithful to the memory of Germanicus or inimical to his ill-wishers, never ceasing to stress the greatness of the general and the danger of the state coming under armed attack. He then placed himself at the head of a considerable force prepared for battle.
LXXX.
Nec Piso, quamquam coepta secus cadebant, omisit tutissima e praesentibus, sed castellum Ciliciae munitum admodum, cui nomen Celenderis, occupat; nam admixtis desertoribus et tirone nuper intercepto suisque et Plancinae servitiis auxilia Cilicum quae reguli miserane in numerum legionis composuerat. Caesarisque se legatum testabatur provincia quam is dedisset arceri, non a legionibus (earum quippe accitu venire), sed a Sentio privatum odium falsis criminibus tegente. consisterent in acie, non pugnaturis militibus ubi Pisonem ab ipsis parentem quondam appellatum, si iure ageretur, potiorem, si armis, non invalidum vidissent tum pro munimentis castelli manipulos explicat colle arduo et derupto; nam cetera mari cinguntur. contra veterani ordinibus ac subsidiis instructi: hinc militum, inde locorum asperitas, sed non animus, non spes, ne tela quidem nisi agrestia aut subitum in usum properata. ut venere in manus, non ultra dubitatum quam dum Romanae cohortes in aequum eniterentur: vertunt terga Cilices seque castello claudunt.
80.
Even though his first moves were a failure, Piso chose the safest course that circumstances allowed and occupied a well-protected fortress in Cilicia called Celenderis. All told, by adding to the deserters the intercepted recruits, his and Plancina’s slaves, and the support troops sent by the local princelings, he had a force equivalent in numbers to a legion. He proclaimed that he, Caesar’s legate, was being forced out of the province assigned to him by the emperor, not by the legions (he was there at their request), but by Sentius, who under false accusations masked his personal bias against him. Let them come and but face him, he said: the soldiers would not fight when they recognized him, whom they themselves had once called father. He was stronger in a legal sense and not helpless if arms were to decide the issue. Then he deployed his maniples in front of the fortified place, perched on top of a steep, precipitous slope, all the rest of the place being made safe by the sea. Facing them were the experienced soldiers of the legions in battle array, duly supported by reserves. On one side the grimness of Roman soldiery, on the other the ruggedness of nature, but lacking courage, hope, or even arms, except for farm implements or other tools made to serve on the spur of the moment. The incertitude as to the outcome of the clash lasted only the time it took the cohorts to reach the top of the hill: the Cilician auxiliaries turned tail and shut themselves inside the fortress.