I.
Nihil intermissa navigatione hiberni maris Agrippina Corcyram insulam advehitur, litora Calabriae contra sitam. illic paucos dies componendo animo insumit, violenta luctu et nescia tolerandi. interim adventu eius audito intimus quisque amicorum et plerique militares, ut quique sub Germanico stipendia fecerant, multique etiam ignoti vicinis e municipiis, pars officium in principem rati, plures illos secuti, ruere ad oppidum Brundisium, quod naviganti celerrimum fidissimumque adpulsu erat. atque ubi primum ex alto visa classis, complentur non modo portus et proxima maris sed moenia ac tecta, quaque longissime prospectari poterat, maerentium turba et rogitantium inter se silentione an voce aliqua egredientem exciperent. neque satis constabat quid pro tempore foret, cum classis paulatim successit, non alacri, ut adsolet, remigio sed cunctis ad tristitiam compositis. postquam duobus cum liberis, feralem urnam tenens, egressa navi defixit oculos, idem omnium gemitus; neque discerneres proximos alienos, virorum feminarumve planctus, nisi quod comitatum Agrippinae longo maerore fessum obvii et recentes in dolore antibant.
1.
After crossing the sea without delays in the face of winter, Agrippina reached the island of Corcyra, opposite the coast of Calabria. There, beside herself with grief and unable to endure her suffering, she remained for a few days to regain her composure. Meanwhile, at the news of her coming, all her intimate friends and a large number of soldiers – each of whom had seen service under Germanicus—and even many strangers from the towns in that district, some moved to render homage to the prince and the rest imitating them, crowded into Brundisium, a seaport with the most convenient and safest approach for voyagers. As soon as the fleet was sighted from out at sea, not only the harbor and other places near the shore, but also the walls, the roofs, and wherever the farthest view could be had, were filled by the sorrowing multitude asking one another if they should receive her on landing in silence or with some form of greeting. By the time the fleet gradually approached, without the usually lively working of the oars and showing all the signs of sadness, it was not yet clear what the appropriate behaviour should be. After Agrippina left the ship with her two children, carrying the funeral urn and holding her eyes to the ground, a unanimous moan rose from the mass of people, the same from kinsfolks and strangers, the same from men and women, with the exception of Agrippina’s escort, who, being worn out by long grieving, were outdone in their affliction by the more expressive distress of the fresh mourners who came to meet them.
II.
Miserat duas pmetorias cohortis Caesar, addito ut magistratus Calabriae Apulique et Campani suprema erga memoriam filii sui munera fungerentur. igitur trlbunorum centurionumque umeris cineres portabantur; praecedebant incompta signa, versi fasces; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur, atrata plebes, trabeati equites pro opibus loci vestem odores aliaque funerum sollemnia cremabant. etiam quorum diversa oppida, tamen obvii et victimas atque aras dis Manibus statuentes lacrimis et conclamationibus dolorem testabantur. Drusus Tarracinam progressus est cum Claudio fratre liberisque Germanici, qui in urbe fuerant. consules M. Valerius et M. Aurelius (iam enim magistratum occeperant; et senatus ac magna pars populi viam complevere, disiecti et ut cuique libitum flentes; aberat quippe adulatio, gnaris omnibus laetam Tlberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari.
2.
Tiberius had sent two praetorian cohorts and directives for the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania to render the last honors to the memory of his son. Thus, the ashes were carried on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions, preceded by the standards shorn of their decorations and the fasces inverted: as they passed town after town — the people wearing black, the knights their robes of state — clothing, perfumes, and other funeral offers were burnt, according to the wealth of the place. Even the communities that were off the main route, came to see the procession, offering victims, setting up altars to the deities of the departed, and expressing their sorrow with tears and lamentations. Drusus came down as far as Terracina with his uncle Claudius and the four children of Germanicus who had remained behind in Rome. The consuls Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had just entered their year in office), the senate, and a great part of the people crowded the streets in scattered groups, giving free vent to their emotions. Here, there was no inducement to servility, as everyone knew that Tiberius was hardly able to hide his glee at the welcome death of Germanicus.
III.
Tiberius atque Augusta publico abstinuere, inferius maiestate sua rati si palam lamentarentur, an ne omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus falsi intellegerentur. matrem Antoniam non apud auctores rerum, non diurna actorum scriptura reperio ullo insigni officio functam, cum super Agrippinam et Drusum et Claudium ceteri quoque consanguinei nominatim perscripti sint, seu valetudine praepediebatur seu victus luctu animus magnitudinem mali perferre visu non toleravit. facilius crediderim Tiberio et Augusta, qui domo non excedebant, cohibitam, ut par maeror et matris exemplo avia quoque et patruus attineri viderentur.
3.
Both he and Augusta chose not to appear in public. Perhaps they thought it was beneath their imperial dignity to mourn openly, or perhaps they feared that their pretense might be exposed, all eyes being fixed on their countenance. As to Germanicus’ mother Antonia, I am unable to find in the histories or in the daily records that she was in any way significant in the funeral proceedings, even though the other close relatives, besides Agrippina, Drusus, and Claudius, were mentioned by name. Either she was prevented by sickness, or her spirits, overcome by grief, may not have had the strength to cope with the visible reminder of so grievous a loss. For me, I find it easier to believe that Tiberius and Augusta, who did not leave the palace, forced her to do the same and make it appear that their sorrow was as deep as hers and that they were keeping within doors on the example of the mother
IV.
Dies quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies; plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Martis faces. illic miles cum armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius apertiusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur.
4.
The day in which Germanicus’ remains were placed in the sepulchral mound of Augustus was at one moment a vastness of silence, at another a storm of lamentations. The streets were solid with people, the Campus Martius aglow with torches. There, the soldiers stood under arms, the magistrates wore no badges of office, and the plebs were drawn up according to tribes. All exclaimed that the country was in ruin, that no hope was left, and did it so daringly and openly that one would think they were forgetting who was emperor. Nothing, however, stung Tiberius more than the enthusiastic attachment of the people to Agrippina, when they called her the luster of the nation, the last blood of Augustus, the unexampled model of ancient virtue, and — turning their eyes to heaven — implored the gods to keep her progeny safe and to allow them to survive their enemies.
V.
Fuere qui publici funeris pompam requirerent compararentque quae in Drusum patrem Germanici honora et magnifica Augustus fecisset. ipsum quippe asperrimo hiemis Ticinum usque progressum neque abscedentem a corpore simul urbem intravisse; circumfusas lecto Claudiorum Iuliorumque imagines; defletum in foro, laudatum pro rostris, cuncta a maioribus reperta aut quae posteri invenerint cumulata: at Germanico ne solitos quidem et cuicumque nobili debitos honores contigisse. sane corpus ob longinquitatem itinerum externis terris quoquo modo crematum: sed tanto plura decora mox tribui par fuisse quanto prima fors negavisset. non fratrem nisi unius diei via, non patruum saltem porta tenus obvium. ubi illa veterum instituta, propositam toro effigiem, meditata ad memoriam virtutis carmina et laudationes et lacrimas vel doloris imitamenta?
5.
There were some who felt that the stateliness of a public funeral was lacking, and compared the honors and the splendor devoted by Augustus to Germanicus’ father Drusus. They said that he, Augustus himself, in the very heart of winter had traveled as far as Ticinum and did not leave the body until it reached Rome. Surrounding the bier were the statues of the Claudii and the Julii. Drusus was mourned in the Forum and an elaborate eulogy was pronounced from the rostra. Every form of tribute our ancestors had devised or were introduced by their successors was given to him. Germanicus, on the other hand, had received not even the usual honors due to any person of rank. True, his body had to be cremated as best one could in a foreign land, considering the distance from Rome: but then all the more marks of respect should have been given to him later, the more fate had denied them to him earlier. His brother had gone a mere one day’s journey to be with him and his uncle not even as far as the gates of the city. Were the ancient usages for such circumstances forgotten, like the effigy of the deceased placed on the coffin, the verses composed in his praise, the lofty orations, and the tears or at least the semblance of tears?
VI.
Gnarum id Tiberio fuit; utque premeret vulgi sermones, monuit edicto multos inlustrium Romanorum ob rem publicam obisse, neminem tam flagranti desiderio celebratum. idque et sibi et cunctis egregium si modus adiceretur. non enim eadem decora principibus viris et imperatori popolo quae modicis domibus aut civitatibus. convenisse recenti dolori luctum et ex maerore solacia; sed referendum iam animum ad firmitudinem, ut quondam divus Iulius amissa unica filia, ut divus Augustus ereptis nepotibus abstruserint tristitiam. nil opus vetustioribus exemplis, quotiens populus Romanus cladis exercituum, interitum ducum, funditus amissas nobilis familias constanter tulerit. principes mortalis, rem publicam aeternam esse. proin repeterent sollemnia, et quia ludorum Megalesium spectaculum suberat, etiam voluptates resumerent.
6.
Tiberius was aware of these complaints and to quiet the talk of the people he urged them in an edict to remember that many Romans of great fame had given their lives for the state, but that no one had received such an impassioned show of affection. The regret was an honor for himself and for everyone, provided a sense of measure was added. What was decorous for modest households and small communities did not suit the dignity of the foremost men in the state or of a conquering people. He said that the mourning after the recent loss was understandable and so was the consolation of tears, but that it was time for citizens to regain firmness in their hearts — as Caesar formerly did at the death of his only daughter, as Augustus did at having his nephews torn away from him — who succeeded in mastering their desperation. There was no need of ancient examples to be reminded how many times the Roman people had borne without faltering the destruction of armies, the death of leaders, and the utter ruin of noble families. Great men were mortal, the state lived on. Let them, therefore, resume their normal occupations, and since the Megalesian games were approaching, their diversions were as well.
VII.
Tum exuto iustitio reditum ad munia, et Drusus Illyricos ad exercitus profectus est, erectis omnium animis petendae e Pisone ultionis et crebro questu, quod vagus interim per amoena Asiae atque Achaiae adroganti et subdola mora scelerum probationes subverteret. nam vulgatum erat missam, ut dixi, a Cn. Sentio famosam veneficiis Martinam subita morte Brundisii extinctam, venenumque nodo crinium eius occultatum nec ulla in corpore signa sumpti exitii reperta.
7.
The suspension of activities being at an end, there was a return to normality and Drusus went back to the armies of Illyria. Everyone was eagerly expecting to see Piso punished and deep resentment was felt that meanwhile, he was wandering through the pleasant districts of Asia and Achaia, at the same time subverting by his arrogant and devious delays the evidence of his crimes. In fact, it had become known that Martina, the infamous poisoner sent to Rome by Gnaeus Sentius, as I mentioned, had suddenly died at Brindisi. Poison was found hidden in a knot of her hair, but no marks on her body that would point to a suicide.
VIII.
At Piso praemisso in urbem filio datisque mandatis per quae principem molliret ad Drusum pergit, quem haud fratris interitu trucem quam remoto aemulo acquiorem sibi sperabat. Tiberius quo integrum iudicium ostentaret, exceptum comiter iuvenem sueta erga filios familiarum nobilis liberalitate auget. Drusus Pisoni, si vera forent quae iacerentur, praecipuum in dolore suum locum respondit: sed malle falsa et inania nec cuiquam mortem Germanici exitiosam esse. haec palam et vitato omni secreto; neque dubitabantur praescripta ei a Tiberio, cum incallidus alioqui et facilis iuventa senilibus tum artibus uteretur.
8.
At this time Piso was sending his son to Rome ahead of him with instructions meant to soften the emperor. For his part, he directed his way to Drusus, who, he hoped, would not be bitterly hostile for the death of his brother, but rather well-disposed towards him for having removed a competitor. Tiberius, in order to appear unbiased, received the young Piso affably, with all the usual tokens of liberality reserved for the sons of noble families. Drusus, on his side, answered Piso that if the stories that were being bandied about should turn out to be true, he would be among the most displeased, but that he chose to believe they were false and without foundation and that Germanicus’ death did not require the downfall of anyone. The answer was given quite openly, secrecy being scrupulously avoided. No doubt such response had been prescribed to him by Tiberius, since Drusus, normally an artless youth lacking the reserve of mature years, was on that occasion using the astuteness of old age.
IX.
Piso Delmatico mari tramisso relictisque apud Anconam navibus per Picenum ac mox Flaminiam viam adsequitur legionem, quae e Pannonia in urbem, dein praesidio Africae ducebatur: eaque res agitata rumoribus ut in agmine atque itinere crebro se militibus ostentavisset. ab Narnia, vitandae suspicionis an quia pavidis consilia in incerto sunt, Nare ac mox Tiberi devectus auxit vulgi iras, quia navem tumulo Caesarum adpulerat dieque et ripa frequenti, magno clientium agmine ipse, feminarum comitatu Plancina et vultu alacres incessere. fuit inter inritamenta invidiae domus foro imminens festa ornatu conviviumque et epulae et celebritate loci nihil occultum.
9.
Piso sailed across the sea of Dalmatia and, leaving behind his ships at Ancona and passing through Picenum, reached the Flaminian way where he met with a legion from Pannonia being led to Rome and destined for garrison duty in Africa. How he had shown himself to the troops and mingled with them on the march was a matter that gave rise to much gossip. At Narni, to allay suspicion or because the decisions of those who have something to fear are muddled, he embarked on a boat and followed the Nar river and then the Tiber to Rome. There, he provoked the anger of the public in that he landed near the funeral mound of the Caesars in daylight and at a time when the river bank was crowded. Furthermore, he himself advanced surrounded by a large retinue of clients and Plancina with her train of women, all holding their heads high and smiling. Other causes of irritation were his house, prominent above the Forum, decorated as for a festive occasion, the banquets and feasting in full view of everyone in a place so frequented.
X.
Postera die Fulcinius Trio Pisonem apud consules postulavit. contra Vitellius ac Veranius ceterique Germanicum comitati tendebant, nullas esse partis Trioni; neque se accusatores sed rerum indices et testis mandata Germanici perlaturos. ille dimissa eius causae delatione, ut priorem vitam accusaret obtinuit, petitumque est a principe cognitionem exciperet. quod ne reus quidem abnuebat, studia populi et patrum metuens: contra Tiberium spernendis rumoribus validum et conscientiae matris innexum esse; veraque aut in deterius credita iudice ab uno facilius discerni, odium et invidiam apud multos valere. haud fallebat Tiberium moles cognitionis quaque ipse fama distraheretur. igitur paucis familiarium adhibitis minas accusantium et hinc preces audit integramque causam ad senatum remittit.
10.
The following day Fulcinius Trio initiated the process against Piso before the consuls but was stopped by the opposition of Vitellius. Veranius, and the other companions of Germanicus, contended that Trio had no part in the matter and that they themselves had not come as accusers, but as witnesses of the events and bearers of Germanicus’ last desires. Trio abandoned his plan of prosecution and instead was given leave to try Piso on charges related to his previous career. Tiberius was asked to conduct the trial himself and Piso readily assented to the proposal. He feared the popular humor and the mood of the senate as well: Tiberius, he thought, was capable of ignoring the gossip and his hand was restrained by his mother’s complicity. To a single judge, it was easier to distinguish truth from facts falsified by credulity, in a panel of many, bias and rivalry might come into play. Tiberius was fully aware of the burden of responsibility he was taking on with that trial, nor did he ignore the suspicions of which he was the target; therefore, after listening, in the presence of a few trusted collaborators, to the menaces of the accusers and the pleadings of the defense, he entrusted the cause to the senate without pronouncing himself.