XLI.
Haud ferme ulla civitas intacta seminibus eius motus fuit: sed erupere primi Andecavi ac Turoni. quorum Andecavos Acilius Aviola legatus excita cohorte quae Lugduni praesidium agitabat coercuit. Turoni legionario milite quem Visellius Varro inferioris Germaniae legatus miserat oppressi eodem Aviola duce et quibusdam Galliarum primoribus, qui tulere auxilium quo dissimularent defectionem magisque in tempore efferrent. spectatus et Sacrovir intecto capite pugnam pro Romanis ciens ostentandae, ut ferebat, virtutis: sed captivi ne incesseretur telis adgnoscendum se praebuisse arguebant. consultus super eo Tiberius aspernatus est indicium aluitque dubitatione bellum.
41.
Hardly a single Gallic tribe was immune to this seditious contagion, but the first to actually revolt were the Andecavi and the Hurones. Of these, the Andecavi were brought under control by the legate Acilius Aviola with the help of the cohort on garrison duty at Lugdunum. The Turoni were beaten at the hand of a legionary detachment sent by the legate of Lower Germany Visellius Varro and placed under the command of the same Aviola. Certain Gallic leaders provided support to dissimulate their revolt and defer it until a better moment. Even Sacrovir was seen encouraging the fighting on the Roman side, his head uncovered, to show his valor, as he himself said, but, according to the words of prisoners, to be recognized by his countrymen and escape becoming a target. On being consulted about the matter, Tiberius dismissed the accusation, and his failure to act fanned the flames of war.
XLII.
Interim Florus insistere destinatis, pellicere alam equitum, quae conscripta e Treviris militia disciplinaque nostra habebatur, ut caesis negotiatoribus Romanis bellum inciperet; paucique equitum corrupti, plures in officio mansere. aliud vulgus obaeratorum aut clientium arma cepit; petebantque saltus quibus nomen Arduenna, cum legiones utroque ab exercitu, quas Visellius et C. Silius adversis itineribus obiecerant, arcuerunt. praemissusque cum delecta manu Iulius Indus e civitate eadem, discors Floro et ob id navandae operae avidior, inconditam multitudinem adhuc disiecit. Florum incertis latebris victores frustratus, postremo visis militibus, qui effugia insederant, sua manu cecidit. isque Trevirici tumultus finis.
42.
In the pursuit of his aims, Florus meanwhile was trying to coax a cavalry contingent raised among the Treveri, but incorporated in our forces and trained by us, to open hostilities by massacring all the Roman merchants in the area. Only a few of the men gave in to him, most remained dutiful. The rest, the mass of people oppressed by debts together with Florus’ dependants, grabbed their arms and tried to reach the forested heights known as the Ardennes, when the legions sent from opposite directions by Lucius Visellius Varro and Gaius Silius blocked their passage. Julius Indus, a Treverian like Florus but bitterly opposed to him — thus all the more anxious to serve us well — was sent ahead with picked troops and the rebel multitude, still a far cry from being an army, was cut to pieces. Florus escaped his pursuers in little known hideaways, but in the end, when he saw soldiers barring all escape routes, he killed himself. That concluded the Treverian revolt.
XLIII.
Apud Aeduos maior moles exorta quanto civitas opulentior et comprimendi procul praesidium. Augustodunum caput gentis armatis cohortibus Sacrovir occupaverat [ut] nobilissimam Galliarum subolem, liberalibus studiis ibi operatam, et eo pignore parentes propinquosque eorum adiungeret; simul arma occulte fabricata iuventuti dispertit. quadraginta milia fuere, quinta sui parte legionariis armis, ceteri cum venabulis et cultris quaeque alia venantibus tela sunt. adduntur e servitiis gladiaturae destinati quibus more gentico continuum ferri tegimen: cruppellarios vocant, inferendis ictibus inhabilis, accipiendis impenetrabilis. augebantur eae copiae vicinarum civitatum ut nondum aperta consensione, ita viritim promptis studiis, et certamine ducum Romanorum, quos inter ambigebatur utroque bellum sibi poscente. mox Varro invalidus senecta vigenti Silio concessit.
43.
The uprising among the Aedui presented for us a more serious challenge in consideration of their greater power and the distance separating them from our legions. Sacrovir occupied Augustodunum, their chief town, with armed cohorts, his purpose being to add to his forces the sons of the noblest Gallic families, youngsters who were receiving a liberal education in that city. He wanted to use them as hostages and bind their parents and relatives to his cause. At the same time, he equipped the young recruits with arms manufactured in secrecy. He had now a following of forty thousand, one fifth of them armed like our infantry soldiers, the rest carrying hunting spears, knives, and other weapons used in the chase. Slaves being trained as gladiators were also enrolled, who in that nation are called cruppellarios: they wear a complete casing of steel which makes them too bulky to deliver blows but impenetrable in receiving them. Sacrovir was gaining new adherents from the neighboring communities, not through their open involvement in the revolt, rather by contributing keen volunteers, whom the strife between the two Roman generals (each claiming sole control of the operations) encouraged to join Sacrovir. Eventually Varro, weakened by age, yielded to the stronger Silius.
XLIV.
At Romae non Treviros modo et Aeduos sed quattuor et sexaginta Galliarum civitates descivisse, adsumptos in societatem Germanos, dubias Hispanias, cuncta, ut mos famae, in maius credita. optumus quisque rei publicae cura maerebat: multi odio praesentium et cupidine mutationis suis quoque periculis laetabantur increpabantque Tiberium quod in tanto rerum motu libellis accusatorum insumeret operam. an Sacrovirum maiestatis crimine reum in senatu fore? extitisse tandem viros qui cruentas epistulas armis cohiberent. miseram pacem vel bello bene mutari. tanto impensius in securitatem compositus, neque loco neque vultu mutato, sed ut solitum per illos dies egit, altitudine animi, an compererat modica esse et vulgatis leviora.
44.
In Rome the rumor went the rounds that not only the Treveri and the Aedui had revolted, but all of the sixty-four Gallic tribes, that the Germans had been induced to join them, and that the Spanish provinces were also on the brink of mutiny, all of this obviously exaggerated in the usual manner of rumors. The best citizens felt aggrieved by the plight the state was in, but many who hated the existing order of things and yearned for change, even found joy in their own peril and inveighed against Tiberius for wasting effort on the accusations of informers in the midst of such troubles. Was he going, they grumbled, to cite Sacrovir in the senate on charges of lese majesty? Here was someone, at last, who, sword in hand would put an end to the blood-dripping messages he was sending [from Campania]. Even war was welcome when peace was so abominable. Tiberius affected more than ever an imperturbable composure: he never changed his place or his mood and behaved in this crisis as he always did. Either he was unfathomable by nature or he had realized that things were not as bad as they were given out to be.
XLV.
Interim Silius cum legionibus duabus incedens praemissa auxiliari manu vastat Sequanorum pagos qui finium extremi et Aeduis contermini sociique in armis erant. mox Augustodunum petit propero agmine, certantibus inter se signiferis, fremente etiam gregario milite, ne suetam requiem, ne spatia noctium opperiretur: viderent modo adversos et aspicerentur; id satis ad victoriam. duodecimum apud lapidem Sacrovir copiaeque patentibus locis apparuere. in fronte statuerat ferratos, in cornibus cohortis, a tergo semermos. ipse inter primores equo insigni adire, memorare veteres Gallorum glorias quaeque Romanis adversa intulissent; quam decora victoribus libertas, quanto intolerantior servitus iterum victis.
45.
Silius, meanwhile, advancing with two legions and preceded by a body of auxiliaries, laid waste the villages at the periphery of the territory of the Sequani, near the border with the Aedui, their neighbors and allies in the war. From there, he headed straight for Augustodunum at utmost speed. The standard bearers were racing one another to arrive there first and even the rank and file were impatient with delays, exclaiming against the regular rest periods and the halts necessary for night repose. Their only desire was to get within sight of the enemy, then victory, they said, would be theirs. In a plain twelve miles from Augustodunum they came upon the forces of Sacrovir: he had placed his armored men in front, his infantry cohorts on the wings, and his half-armed bands in the rear. He himself, surrounded by the other chiefs and riding a magnificent charger, moved along the line and reminded his men of the glory of the ancient Gauls, of the many defeats inflicted by them on the Romans, of the liberty that would be their precious reward if they prevailed, and of the far more despotic servitude awaiting them if vanquished again.
XLVI.
Non diu haec nec apud laetos: etenim propinquabat legionum acies, inconditique ac militiae nescii oppidani neque oculis neque auribus satis competebant. contra Silius, etsi praesumpta spes hortandi causas exemerat, clamitabat tamen pudendum ipsis quod Germaniarum victores adversum Gallos tamquam in hostem ducerentur. ‘una nuper cohors rebellem Turonum, una ala Trevirum, paucae huius ipsius exercitus turmae profligavere Sequanos. quanto pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos tanto magis imbellis Aeduos evincite et fugientibus consulite.’ ingens ad ea clamor et circumfudit eques frontemque pedites invasere, nec cunctatum apud latera. paulum morae attulere ferrati, restantibus lamminis adversum pila et gladios; set miles correptis securibus et dolabris, ut si murum perrumperet, caedere tegmina et corpora; quidam trudibus aut furcis inertem molem prosternere, iacentesque nullo ad resurgendum nisu quasi exanimes linquebantur. Sacrovir primo Augustodunum, dein metu deditionis in villam propinquam cum fidissimis pergit. illic sua manu, reliqui mutuis ictibus occidere: incensa super villa omnis cremavit.
46.
The harangue was brief and was heard with little pleasure, for the Roman legions were coming up in battle formation and that assemblage of townspeople, disorganized and untrained to war, were too stunned to see or hear. For his part, Silius had no need to encourage his men in the full assurance of success, yet he kept shouting that it was shameful for Roman troops who had conquered Germany to have to march against Gauls, as if they were a worthy enemy. “Just lately,” he cried, “a single cohort has routed the mutinous Turoni, a single cavalry regiment the Treveri, and a few squadrons from this very army have scattered the Sequani. These Aedui have no stomach for fighting: the richer they are and the more addicted to pleasures, the softer they become. Give them a good whipping and, when they turn tail, hunt them down!” A deafening shout rose from our ranks; the cavalry encircled the enemy and the infantry attacked them in front. The wings gave way almost at once, while the armored men in the center resisted for a short while, for swords and spears were not effective against the steel plates. The soldiers grabbed hatchets and pickaxes, as if to pull down a wall, and chopped away at armatures and bodies. Some used metal-tipped poles and two-pronged forks to beat to the ground those massive frames, which then were incapable to rise again and were left lying inert as if dead. Sacrovir reached first Augustodunum, then, for fear of being given up to the Romans, repaired to a country-house not far away with his closest associates and there killed himself. His companions did the same by giving each other mortal wounds. The house was set on fire over them, thus serving as their funeral pyre.
XLVII.
Tum demum Tiberius ortum patratumque bellum senatu scripsit; neque dempsit aut addidit vero, sed fide ac virtute legatos, se consiliis superfuisse. simul causas cur non ipse, non Drusus profecti ad id bellum forent, adiunxit, magnitudinem imperii extollens, neque decorum principibus, si una alterave civitas turbet * * omissa urbe, unde in omnia regimem. nunc quia non metu ducatur iturum ut praesentia spectaret componeretque. decrevere patres vota pro reditu eius supplicationesque et alia decora. solus Dolabella Cornelius dum antire ceteros parat absurdam in adulationem progressus, censuit ut ovans e Campania urbem introiret. igitur secutae Caesaris litterae quibus se non tam vacuum gloria praedicabat ut post ferocissimas gentis perdomitas, tot receptos in iuventa aut spretos triumphos, iam senior peregrinationis suburbanae inane praemium peteret.
47.
Only then did Tiberius write to the senate that a war had occurred and was quickly concluded. He stated the facts without adding or omitting anything, but credited the loyalty and courage of the generals, acting under his direction, for so effectively meeting the challenge. He also explained why both he and Drusus had stayed away from the theater of war: first he emphasized the vastness of the empire, then asserted that it would be indecorous for princes to embark on a journey and leave Rome behind, the controlling center of the world, simply because one community or another was causing trouble. Now that fear could no longer be construed as being the motive of his departure, he would go to assess the situation in person and arrange matters. The senate decreed vows for his safe return, prayers, and other forms of homage. Only Cornelius Dolabella, in his eagerness to surpass the others in servility, exceeded all limits by foolishly proposing that, on coming back from Campania, Tiberius should receive an ovation. In response, a letter of the emperor soon arrived saying that he was not so bereft of glory — he who had subdued the most ferocious nations and, in his youth, had been offered or had turned down so many triumphs — as to hunger in his old age after an empty honor for what was no more than a jaunt in the suburbs of Rome.
XLVIII.
Sub idem tempus ut mors Sulpicii Quirini publicis exequiis frequentaretur petivit a senatu. nihil ad veterem et patriciam Sulpiciorum familiam Quirinius pertinuit, ortus apud municipium Lanuvium: sed impiger militiae et acribus ministeriis consulatum sub divo Augusto, mox expugnatis per Ciliciam Homonadensium castellis insignia triumphi adeptus, datusque rector G. Caesari Armeniam obtinenti. Tiberium quoque Rhodi agentem coluerat: quod tunc patefecit in senatu, laudatis in se officiis et incusato M. Lollio, quem auctorem Gaio Caesari pravitatis et discordiarum arguebat. sed ceteris haud laeta memoria Quirini erat ob intenta, ut memoravi, Lepidae pericula sordidamque et praepotentem senectam.
48.
At about the same time, Tiberius asked the senate that a state funeral be celebrated for the death of Sulpicius Quirinus. He was not a member of the ancient aristocratic family of the Sulpicii, since he was born in the municipal town of Lanuvium, but his daring in war and the scrupulous performance of his duties had earned him the consulate under Augustus and not long after the triumphal insignia for having stormed the strongholds of the Homonadenses in Cilicia. Later assigned as adviser to Drusus in the government of Armenia, he had also shown respectful regard for Tiberius during his retreat at Rhodes. The prince recounted these circumstances in the senate and praised Sulpicius for his support, at the same time blaming Marcus Lollius as the man responsible for Gaius Caesar’s spiteful and contentious attitude towards himself. To all others, however, the memory of Quirinus was anything but pleasant, in view of his persecution of Lepida, which I mentioned earlier, and of his miserly and domineering old age.
XLIX.
Fine anni Clutorium Priscum equitem Romanum, post celebre carmen quo Germanici suprema defleverat, pecunia donatum a Caesare, corripuit delator, obiectans aegro Druso composuisse quod, si extinctus foret, maiore praemio vulgaretur. id Clutorius in domo P. Petronii socru eius Vitellia coram multisque inlustribus feminis per vaniloquentiam legerat. ut delator extitit, ceteris ad dicendum testimonium exterritis, sola Vitellia nihil se audivisse adseveravit. sed arguentibus ad perniciem plus fidei fuit, sententiaque Haterii Agrippae consulis designati indictum reo ultimum supplicium.
49.
Near the end of the year, a member of the equestrian order, Clutorius Priscus, who had written a celebrated poem lamenting the death of Germanicus, for which he had received money from the emperor, came under attack from an informer accusing him of having composed another poem while Drusus was ill, expecting an even greater reward from its publication in the case of the prince’s death. Being a vain man, Clutorius had recited the poem in the house of Publius Petronius in the presence of Vitellia, the mother-in-law of the host, and of many women of the nobility. When the informer came to question them, all of them except Vitellia were frightened into revealing the facts. Vitellia alone firmly stated that she had not heard a thing, but more trust was put in the damning evidence of the others, and the opinion of the consul designate Haterius Agrippa, calling for the ultimate penalty, prevailed.
L.
Contra M’. Lepidus in hunc modum exorsus est: ‘si, patres conscripti, unum id spectamus, quam nefaria voce Clutorius Priscus mentem suam et auris hominum polluerit, neque carcer neque laqueus, ne serviles quidem cruciatus in eum suffecerint. sin flagitia et facinora sine modo sunt, suppliciis ac remediis principis moderatio maiorumque et vestra exempla temperat et vana a scelestis, dicta a maleficiis differunt, est locus sententiae per quam neque huic delictum impune sit et nos clementiae simul ac severitatis non paeniteat. saepe audivi principem nostrum conquerentem si quis sumpta morte misericordiam eius praevenisset. vita Clutorii in integro est, qui neque servatus in periculum rei publicae neque interfectus in exemplum ibit. studia illi ut plena vaecordiae, ita inania et fluxa sunt; nec quicquam grave ac serium ex eo metuas qui suorum ipse flagitiorum proditor non virorum animis sed muliercularum adrepit. cedat tamen urbe et bonis amissis aqua et igni arceatur: quod perinde censeo ac si lege maiestatis teneretur.’
50.
Marcus Lepidus rose to express his opposition as follows: “Conscript fathers, if we take into account one thing only, namely how Clutorius Priscus has polluted his own mind and the ears of his listeners with his despicable verses, neither imprisonment nor strangulation, nor even the torture reserved for slaves would be sufficient punishment for him. But, if the vileness of crimes is boundless, the prince’s sense of measure and the examples set by our forefathers and by yourselves bring moderation to corrective penalties. Besides, we must distinguish between stupidity and crime, between foolish words and evil deeds: there is space here for us to formulate a sentence whereby this man will not go unpunished, at the same time giving us no reason to deplore either our clemency or our harshness. I have often heard our prince express regret if someone had frustrated his leniency by taking his own life. Clutorius is alive and well and his life, if spared, cannot be a danger to the state, nor its end serve as a lesson for the future. His poetic endeavors, as they are the product of folly, so they are harmless and soon forgotten. There is no need to fear anyone who exposes his own foolishness not to elicit the approval of mature men but to impress some silly females. Let him therefore leave the city, lose his possession, and go into exile. I propose this punishment just as if he were convicted of treason.”