LXXI.
Incessit dein religio quonam in templo locandum foret donum quod pro valetudine Augustae equites Romani voverant equestri Fortunae: nam etsi delubra eius deae multa in urbe, nullum tamen tali cognomento erat. repertum est aedem esse apud Antium quae sic nuncuparetur, cunctasque caerimonias Italicis in oppidis templaque et numinum effigies iuris atque imperii Romani esse. ita donum apud Antium statuitur. et quoniam de religionibus tractabatur, dilatum nuper responsum adversus Servium Maluginensem flaminem Dialem prompsit Caesar recitavitque decretum pontificum, quotiens valetudo adversa flaminem Dialem incessisset, ut pontificis maximi arbitrio plus quam binoctium abesset, dum ne diebus publici sacrificii neu saepius quam bis eundem in annum; quae principe Augusto constituta satis ostendebant annuam absentiam et provinciarum administrationem dialibus non concedi. memorabaturque L. Metelli pontificis maximi exemplum qui Aulum Postumium flaminem attinuisset. ita sors Asiae in eum qui consularium Maluginensi proximus erat conlata.
71.
Following this, a question of religious nature came up for discussion, namely in which temple to place a votive gift from the Roman knights in honor of Equestrian Fortune for the recovery of Julia Augusta. Though there were several temples to Fortune in Rome, none went under that name. It was reported that there was a shrine so designated in Antium and also that any form of religious worship in all towns of Italy, as well as all temples and images of the gods, came under the authority of Rome. Thus, the offer was taken to Antium and since the discussion was about religious matters, Tiberius gave the answer — deferred in precedence – to the question of Servius Maluginensis, the flamen of Jupiter, and cited the pontifical decree, according to which a priest was permitted to absent himself from Rome for more than two nights only in case of sickness and with the permission of the supreme pontiff, provided this did not occur during days of public sacrifice and no more than twice a year. These norms, fixed under Augustus, clearly confirmed that it was out of the question for a priest to absent himself for a year to govern a province. Another precedent Tiberius adduced was that of the Pontifex Maximus Lucius Metellus, who had denied leave to the flamen Aulus Postumius to go from Rome. Consequently, the government of Asia was entrusted to the consular man with most years of service after Maluginensis.
LXXII.
Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere.
72.
Also of those days was Lepidus’ application to the senate for permission to restore and embellish at his own cost the basilica of Paulus, that monument to the Aemilian house. The contribution to public munificence by private citizens was still in vogue then: Augustus himself had not discouraged a Taurus, a Philippus and a Balbus from devoting the spoils of war or the excess of their riches to improve on the splendor of Rome and to add to its future renown. Thus, on their example Lepidus, a man of only moderate means, was rekindling the dignity of his fathers. Meanwhile, Tiberius promised the reconstruction with his own money of the theater of Pompey, destroyed by an accidental fire — since no member of the family was rich enough to shoulder the expense – though the name of the theater was to remain the same. He also used the opportunity to praise Sejanus to the skies for his vigilance and efforts which, according to him, had limited the fury of the fire to the ruin of one building only. In addition, the fathers voted Sejanus a statue to be placed in Pompey’s theater. Sometime later, when he honored Junius Blaesus, the governor of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, Tiberius said he was giving them out of regard for Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus was. No one, however, thought that Blaesus was unworthy of the distinction.
LXXIII.
Nam Tacfarinas, quamquam saepius depulsus, reparatis per intima Africae auxiliis huc adrogantiae venerat ut legatos ad Tiberium mitteret sedemque ultro sibi atque exercitui suo postularet aut bellum inexplicabile minitaretur. non alias magis sua populique Romani contumelia indoluisse Caesarem ferunt quam quod desertor et praedo hostium more ageret. ne Spartaco quidem post tot consularium exercituum cladis inultam Italiam urenti, quamquam Sertorii atque Mithridatis ingentibus bellis labaret res publica, datum ut pacto in fidem acciperetur; nedum pulcherrimo populi Romani fastigio latro Tacfarinas pace et concessione agrorum redimeretur. dat negotium Blaeso ceteros quidem ad spem proliceret arma sine noxa ponendi, ipsius autem ducis quoquo modo poteretur. et recepti ea venia plerique. mox adversum artes Tacfarinatis haud dissimili modo belligeratum.
73.
Tacfarinas, in fact, though repeatedly beaten, had repaired his losses with forces from the interior of Africa and was by this time so cocky as to dispatch envoys to Tiberius, in effect to demand a territory where he and his army could settle, promising unlimited war in case of refusal. On no other occasion, they say, had Tiberius been offended by a slight to himself and to the Roman people as much as by the pretention of this renegade and bandit posing as an authentic enemy of Rome. Not even to Spartacus, who had whipped one consular army after another and had burned Italy unopposed, was ever given a chance to negotiate a surrender, even though the state was then convulsed by the dreadful wars of Sertorius and Mithridates. Much less was it conceivable that a Roman people at the apex of its power would concede peace and territory to a desert thief like Tacfarinas. Junius Blaesus was assigned by Tiberius the task of luring away any of the rebels who might be willing to abandon their chief in the hope of a pardon, and at the same time of trying at all costs to lay hands on the leader himself. Many were won over by the promise of a reprieve and soon Tacfarinas’ method of warfare was countered by the same tactics.
LXXIV.
Nam quia ille robore exercitus impar, furandi melior, pluris per globos incursaret eluderetque et insidias simul temptaret, tres incessus, totidem agmina parantur. ex quis Cornelius Scipio legatus praefuit qua praedatio in Leptitanos et suffugia Garamantum; alio latere, ne Cirtensium pagi impune traherentur, propriam manum Blaesus filius duxit: medio cum delectis, castella et munitiones idoneis locis imponens, dux ipse arta et infensa hostibus cuncta fecerat, quia, quoquo inclinarent, pars aliqua militis Romani in ore, in latere et saepe a tergo erat; multique eo modo caesi aut circumventi. tunc tripertitum exercitum pluris in manus dispergit praeponitque centuriones virtutis expertae. nec, ut mos fuerat, acta aestate retrahit copias aut in hibernaculis veteris provinciae componit, sed ut in limine belli dispositis castellis per expeditos et solitudinum gnaros mutantem mapalia Tacfarinatem proturbabat, donec fratre eius capto regressus est, properantius tamen quam ex utilitate sociorum, relictis per quos resurgeret bellum. sed Tiberius pro confecto interpretatus id quoque Blaeso tribuit ut imperator a legionibus salutaretur, prisco erga duces honore qui bene gesta re publica gaudio et impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur; erantque plures simul imperatores nec super ceterorum aequalitatem. concessit quibusdam et Augustus id vocabulum ac tunc Tiberius Blaeso postremum.
74.
Since the rebel army was inferior in strength to ours, but more effective in surprise raids and would attack with scattered bands, vanish at our approach, and at the same time prepare new ambushes, it was decided to march in three directions with as many columns. The legate Cornelius Scipio led one column to the area where the enemy were making incursions on the Leptidani, then finding shelter among the Garamantes. On the opposite side, Blaesus’ son advanced with his own force to protect the villages of Cirta from being devastated without opposition. The general was in the center in command of the best troops placing fortified positions and entrenchments in strategic places and doing everything possible to force the adversary into unfavorable or hostile situations in such a way that in whatever direction he moved some Roman forces were either in front, on his flanks, or often behind him. In this manner many were killed or captured. Next, he split the three columns of his army into smaller units, each under the orders of a centurion of proven valor. Also, contrary to established policy, he did not retire his troops at the end of the summer and place them in winter quarters of the old province; instead, just as if he were about to start out on a new campaign, he set up a series of strongholds manned by mobile detachments of lightly-armed soldiers familiar with the desert, forcing Tacfarinas to hop from one set of temporary huts to another. In the end, Blaesus was able to capture his brother, but then decided to withdraw, a move too premature for the security of the province, since enough of the rebels were left who could restart the war. Tiberius, however, saw the war as concluded and even allowed Blaesus the honor of being hailed imperator by the legions, a title that Roman armies, in the fervor and acclamations of victory, conferred by tradition on generals who had served the republic well. Several men might hold the distinction at the same time and no authority of any kind over others was attached to it. Even Augustus had awarded it in some cases, and Tiberius for the last time to Blaesus.
LXXV.
Obiere eo anno viri inlustres Asinius Saloninus, Marco Agrippa et Pollione Asinio avis, fratre Druso insignis Caesarique progener destinatus, et Capito Ateius, de quo memoravi, principem in civitate locum studiis civilibus adsecutus, sed avo centurione Sullano, patre praetorio. consulatum ei adceleraverat Augustus ut Labeonem Antistium isdem artibus praecellentem dignatione eius magistratus antiret. namque illa aetas duo pacis decora simul tulit: sed Labeo incorrupta libertate et ob id fama celebratior, Capitonis obsequium dominantibus magis probabatur. illi quod praeturam intra stetit commendatio ex iniuria, huic quod consulatum adeptus est odium ex invidia oriebatur.
75.
Two notable men died that year, Asinius Saloninus and Capito Ateio. The first was the grandson of Marcus Agrippa and Asinius Pollio and was better known as the half-brother of Drusus and the promised son-in-law of Tiberius. Ateius, of whom I have spoken already, achieved prominence as the best jurist in Rome, even though his grandfather had been a centurion under Sulla and his father a mere praetor. Augustus had facilitated his way to the consulate in order that the distinction might raise him above Antistius Labeo, also outstanding in the field of law. Thus, that generation brought forth two luminaries in the arts of peace, but Labeo was an uncompromising champion of liberty, in consequence his fame was greater, while Capito’s obsequiousness made him more acceptable to those in power. The one, who did not advance beyond a praetorship, reaped greater regard from the public because of this injustice. The other, who had arrived at the consulate, became target of the odium that is born of envy.
LXXVI.
Et Iunia sexagesimo quarto post Philippensem aciem anno supremum diem explevit, Catone avunculo genita, C. Cassii uxor, M. Bruti soror. testamentum eius multo apud vulgum rumore fuit, quia in magnis opibus cum ferme cunctos proceres cum honore nominavisset Caesarem omisit. quod civiliter acceptum neque prohibuit quo minus laudatione pro rostris ceterisque sollemnibus funus cohonestaretur. viginti clarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatae sunt, Manlii, Quinctii aliaque eiusdem nobilitatis nomina. sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effigies eorum non visebantur.
76.
One more death in the year was that of Junia Tertulla, niece of Cato Uticensis, wife of Caius Cassius, and sister of Marcus Brutus. She died in the sixty-fourth year after the battle of Philippi. Her testament generated much talk, since she had named as heirs of her immense wealth all the most important people in Rome, with honorable mention, but omitted to include Tiberius. He took the slight very civilly, without resentment, and allowed that the funeral eulogy be delivered from the rostra in the Forum and that all of the other traditional funeral services in her honor be held. The images of twenty of the most noble families, the Manlii, the Quinctii, and other names of equal renown, were carried at the head of the procession. Cassius and Brutus, however, shone with the brightest splendor for the very fact that their effigies were not to be seen.