I.
Asinio C. Antistio consulibus nonus Tiberio annus erat compositae rei publicae, florentis domus (nam Germanici mortem inter prospera ducebat), cum repente turbare fortuna coepit, saevire ipse aut saevientibus viris praebere. initium et causa penes Aelium Seianum cohortibus praetoriis praefectum cuius de potentia supra memoravi: nunc originem, mores, et quo facinore dominationem raptum ierit expediam. genitus Vulsiniis patre Seio Strabone equite Romano, et prima iuventa Gaium Caesarem divi Augusti nepotem sectatus, non sine rumore Apicio diviti et prodigo stuprum veno dedisse, mox Tiberium variis artibus devinxit: adeo ut obscurum adversum alios sibi uni incautum intectumque efficeret, non tam sollertia (quippe isdem artibus victus est) quam deum ira in rem Romanam, cuius pari exitio viguit ceciditque. corpus illi laborum tolerans, animus audax; sui obtegens, in alios criminator; iuxta adulatio et superbia; palam compositus pudor, intus summa apiscendi libido, eiusque causa modo largitio et luxus, saepius industria ac vigilantia, haud minus noxiae quotiens parando regno finguntur.
1.
At the outset of Tiberius’ ninth year as emperor the new consuls were Caius Asinius and Caius Antistius. Peace and order reigned in the state and his own family was flourishing (since he included Germanicus’ death among his blessings), when of a sudden fortune perverted all and he himself became cruel or with his power seconded the cruelty of others. The cause and source of such a change is to be found in Aelius Sejanus, the head of the praetorian cohorts, to whose undue influence I have already made references. Here, I will set out his origins, his personality, and by what criminal attempt he moved to usurp supreme power. Born at Vulsinii, the son of Seius Strabo, a Roman knight, he had joined at an early age the retinue of Caius Caesar, the grandson of Augustus, after improving his resources, according to rumor, by becoming the plaything of the wealthy bon viveur Apicius. In time, his artful expedients gained him such sway over Tiberius as to render a nature impenetrable to all others open and trusting to him only. This success was owed not so much to his ingenuity (for Tiberius later outdid him using the same ploys), as to the gods’ anger against the Roman state, to the equal ruin of which Sejanus both prospered and fell. Endowed with an enterprising spirit and an untiring body, he was adept at hiding his own faults and at exposing those of others, while remaining equally deferential and domineering. Under a veneer of humility he hungrily aspired to greatness, and to that end he alternated ostentatious prodigality and, more often, relentless industry, not less pernicious if it serves as a cover for securing the empire.
II.
Vim praefecturae modicam antea intendit, dispersas per urbem cohortis una in castra conducendo, ut simul imperia acciperent numeroque et robore et visu inter se fiducia ipsis, in ceteros metus oreretur. praetendebat lascivire militem diductum; si quid subitum ingruat, maiore auxilio pariter subveniri; et severius acturos si vallum statuatur procul urbis inlecebris. ut perfecta sunt castra, inrepere paulatim militaris animos adeundo, appellando; simul centuriones ac tribunos ipse deligere. neque senatorio ambitu abstinebat clientes suos honoribus aut provinciis ornandi, facili Tiberio atque ita prono ut socium laborum non modo in sermonibus, sed apud patres et populum celebraret colique per theatra et fora effigies eius interque principia legionum sineret.
2.
He extended the importance — until then limited — of his office as prefect of the praetorian guard by uniting the cohorts scattered throughout the city. He wanted that his orders be received by all the troops at the same time and that confidence in themselves, and fear in others be inspired by their numbers, their strength, and their mutual sight. He argued that morale was low among dispersed troops and that in case of sudden danger support was greater from men acting in a body. Furthermore, soldiery became more disciplined if kept within the rampart of a camp, placed far from the allurements of the city. After the camp was completed, Sejanus wormed gradually his way into the hearts of the soldiers: he would approach them, call them by their names, and personally choose their centurions and tribunes. Nor did he abstain from canvassing the senate to secure public offices and provinces for his proteges. Tiberius was graciously compliant and so inclined to oblige him that not only in private talks, but in the senate itself and before the people he would extol him as the “partner of his labors” and would tolerate that his statues be honored in the theaters, in the Forum, and even in the headquarters of the legions.
III.
Ceterum plena Caesarum domus, iuvenis filius, nepotes adulti moram cupitis adferebant; et quia vi tot simul corripere intutum dolus intervalla scelerum poscebat. placuit tamen occultior via et a Druso incipere, in quem recenti ira ferebatur. nam Drusus impatiens aemuli et animo commotior orto forte iurgio intenderat Seiano manus et contra tendentis os verberaverat. igitur cuncta temptanti promptissimum visum ad uxorem eius Liviam convertere, quae soror Germanici, formae initio aetatis indecorae, mox pulchritudine praecellebat. hanc ut amore incensus adulterio pellexit, et postquam primi flagitii potitus est (neque femina amissa pudicitia alia abnuerit), ad coniugii spem, consortium regni et necem mariti impulit. atque illa, cui avunculus Augustus, socer Tiberius, ex Druso liberi, seque ac maiores et posteros municipali adultero foedabat ut pro honestis et praesentibus flagitiosa et incerta expectaret. sumitur in conscientiam Eudemus, amicus ac medicus Liviae, specie artis frequens secretis. pellit domo Seianus uxorem Apicatam, ex qua tres liberos genuerat, ne paelici suspectaretur. sed magnitudo facinoris metum, prolationes, diversa interdum consilia adferebat.
3.
The imperial family, however, was numerous: Tiberius’ son was still young, his grandsons already grown-up and they represented a formidable barrier to his aspirations. Since the choice was between a reckless attempt to destroy so many at one blow or to rely on cunning to space out the murders over time, he opted for the more secretive alternative, beginning with Drusus, against whom he was moved by recent rancor. Drusus, in fact, who was rather easily angered and could not suffer rivals, during a quarrel that had occurred between them, had shown his fist to Sejanus and as the latter advanced upon him, had struck him in the face. After weighing all possibilities, Sejanus decided that his best move was to approach Livia, Drusus’ wife and Germanicus’ sister, who, rather homely when young, had evolved into a rare beauty. Pretending to be passionately in love with her, he induced her to commit adultery and once he had her in his power (a woman consents to anything after losing her honor) -– he beguiled her by promising marriage and a share of the imperial power to murder her husband. So it was that this woman, the great-niece of Augustus, the daughter-in-law of Tiberius, the mother of Drusus’ children, would defile herself, her ancestors and descendants for a paramour from a municipal town, in order to exchange present and legitimate privilege for a doubtful and ignoble future. Eudemus, Livia’s doctor and friend, was made privy to the plot: he had frequent secret talks with Livia under the cover of his profession. Sejanus, to avoid the jealousy of his accomplice, repudiated his wife Apicata, from whom he had had three children. Still, the enormity of the crime caused alarms, delays, and, at times, contradictory plans of action.
IV.
Interim anni principio Drusus ex Germanici liberis togam virilem sumpsit quaeque fratri eius Neroni decreverat senatus repetita. addidit orationem Caesar multa cum laude filii sui quod patria benevolentia in fratris liberos foret. nam Drusus, quamquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiam et concordiam esse, aequus adulescentibus aut certe non adversus habebatur. exim vetus et saepe simulatum proficiscendi in provincias consilium refertur. multitudinem veteranorum praetexebat imperator et dilectibus supplendos exercitus: nam voluntarium militem deesse, ac si suppeditet, non eadem virtute ac modestia agere, quia plerumque inopes ac vagi sponte militiam sumant. percensuitque cursim numerum legionum et quas provincias tutarentur. quod mihi quoque exequendum reor, quae tunc Romana copia in armis, qui socii reges, quanto sit angustius imperitatum.
4.
Also at the beginning of the year, one of Germanicus’ children, Drusus, reached the age of manhood and the senate renewed in his honor the privileges decreed for his brother Nero. Tiberius added some comments praising his own son Drusus for always showing a fatherly concern for the children of his brother Germanicus. Drusus indeed, though power and concord rarely coexists, was held to be kindly disposed towards his nephews or certainly not hostile. Soon after, Tiberius came back to his old, often simulated, intent to visit the provinces, adducing as pretext the vast number of veterans close to being discharged and the urgent need to fill the ranks of the legions with new levies. Volunteers were actually wanting, and even if available, they lacked pluck and discipline and were for the most part people without means or vagabonds willing to embrace army life. Tiberius gave also a rapid count of the total number of legions in service and of the provinces they were assigned to protect. In this regard, I think I should also set forth what Rome then had of military forces, who the allied kings were, and how much smaller the empire was then compared to now.
V.
Italiam utroque mari duae classes, Misenum apud et Ravennam, proximumque Galliae litus rostratae naves praesidebant, quas Actiaca victoria captas Augustus in oppidum Foroiuliense miserat valido cum remige. sed praecipuum robur Rhenum iuxta, commune in Germanos Gallosque subsidium, octo legiones erant. Hispaniae recens perdomitae tribus habebantur. Mauros Iuba rex acceperat donum populi Romani. cetera Africae per duas legiones parique numero Aegyptus, dehinc initio ab Syriae usque ad flumen Euphraten, quantum ingenti terrarum sinu ambitur, quattuor legionibus coercita, accolis Hibero Albanoque et aliis regibus qui magnitudine nostra proteguntur adversum extema imperia et Thraeciam Rhoemetalces ac liberi Cotyis, ripamque Danuvii legionum duae in Pannonia, duae in Moesia attinebant, totidem apud Delmatiam locatis, quae positu regionis a tergo illis, ac si repentinum auxilium Italia posceret, haud procul accirentur, quamquam insideret urbem proprius miles, tres urbanae, novem praetoriae cohortes, Etruria ferme Vmbriaque delectae aut vetere Latio et coloniis antiquitus Romanis. at apud idonea provinciarum sociae triremes alaeque et auxilia cohortium, neque multo secus in iis virium: sed persequi incertum fuit, cum ex usu temporis huc illuc mearent, gliscerent numero et aliquando minuerentur.
5.
Italy was protected on both sides by two fleets, one at Misenum, the other at Ravenna and the coast of Gaul closest to us by the warships Augustus had captured in the battle of Actium and were sent by him to the fortified town of Forum Julii with a full complement of oarsmen. But the main Roman force was on the Rhine, eight legions protecting both Germany and Gaul. Three legions occupied Spain, brought recently under our control. King Juba had received Mauritania as a present from the Roman people. The rest of Africa had two legions and so did Egypt. All the vast territory that stretches from Syria to the Euphrates river was kept in obedience by four legions, as were the Hiberi, the Albani and other kingdoms that our renown protects against foreign powers. Thrace was ruled by Rhoemetalces and by the sons of Cotys. Two legions in Pannonia and two in Moesia protected the bank of the Danube, backed by two more in Dalmatia, which, given the nearness of the region to us, could rapidly intervene in case of troubles in Italy, even though the capital had its own troops, three urban and nine praetorian cohorts, almost all selected in Etruria, Umbria, or ancient Latium and the Roman colonies of the distant past. In addition, the provinces had warships, cavalry units, and auxiliary cohorts stationed in strategic locations. These forces were not much inferior to those of the legions, but their size is difficult to estimate in that they continuously moved about as need dictated and their numbers varied, being often increased and on occasion even diminished.
VI.
Congruens crediderim recensere ceteras quoque rei publicae partis, quibus modis ad eam diem habitae sint, quoniam Tiberio mutati in deterius principatus initium ille annus attulit. iam primum publica negotia et privatorum maxima apud patres tractabantur, dabaturque primoribus disserere et in adulationem lapsos cohibebat ipse; mandabatque honores, nobilitatem maiorum, claritudinem militiae, iniustris domi artes spectando, ut satis constaret non alios potiores fuisse. sua consulibus, sua praetoribus species; minorum quoque magistratuum exercita potestas; legesque, si maiestatis quaestio eximeretur, bono in usu. at frumenta et pecuniae vectigales, cetera publicorum fructuum societatibus equitum Romanorum agitabantur. res suas Caesar spectatissimo cuique, quibusdam ignotis ex fama mandabat, semelque adsumpti tenebantur prorsus sine modo, cum plerique isdem negotiis insenescereut. plebes acri quidem annona fatigabatur, sed nulla in eo culpa ex principe: quin infecunditati terrarum aut asperis maris obviam iit, quantum impendio diligentiaque poterat. et ne provinciae novis oneribus turbarentur utque vetera sine avaritia aut crudelitate magistratnum tolerarent providebat: corporum verbera, ademptiones bonorum aberant. rari per Italiam Caesaris agri, modesta servitia, intra paucos libertos domus; ac si quando cum privatis disceptaret, forum et ius.
6.
I think it would be convenient at this point to report on other aspects of the Roman administration, on the way they were conducted up to this time, since Tiberius changed for the worse the way he ruled starting precisely in this year. First of all, public affairs and the most important private matters were decided in the senate. Its foremost members enjoyed freedom of discussion; any tendency to slip into servility was quashed by the prince himself. In assigning public offices, Tiberius took into account family background, military precedents, and civil distinctions and it was obvious to everyone that better choices could not be had. The prestigious status of consuls and praetors remained unchanged and even the lower magistrates exercised their authority without interference from above. The laws, if one excludes the one about lese majesty, were applied with justice. The tribute in grain or money and other forms of public revenues were administered by companies run by Roman knights. As to his own private interests, Tiberius entrusted them to men of proven integrity, solely on the basis of their reputation, even if unknown to him. Once taken on, they were retained indefinitely and many aged in the same employment. Much of the populace were severely tried by the high price of the main staples, but that was not the fault of the prince; indeed, he was most generous with his money and efforts in trying to remedy the infertility of the soil and the disasters at sea affecting the supply of grain. He was careful to ensure that the provinces were not oppressed by new burdens and that they could bear the old ones free from the abuses of the provincial administrators. Unknown were corporal punishment and confiscations of properties. Imperial ownership of land throughout Italy was limited. Limited also was the number of slaves in the imperial palace, which was run by few freedmen. If he had any conflict of interest with any private person, Tiberius had recourse to the courts of law, like all citizens.
VII.
Quae cuncta non quidem comi via sed horridus ac plerumque formidatus retinebat tamen, donec morte Drusi verterentur: nam dum superfuit mansere, quia Seianus incipiente adhuc potentia bonis consiliis notescere volebat, et ultor metuebatur non occultus odii set crebro querens incolumi filio adiutorem imperii alium vocari. et quantum superesse ut collega dicatur? primas dominandi spes in arduo: ubi sis ingressus, adesse studia et ministros. extructa iam sponte praefecti castra, datos in manum milites; cerni effgiem eius in monimentis Cn. Pompei; communis is illi cum familia Drusorum fore nepotes: precandam post haec modestiam ut contentus esset. neque raro neque apud paucos talia iaciebat, et secreta quoque eius corrupta uxore prodebantur.
7.
Tiberius’ fair handling of the state, though his manner was unamiable, gruff and fear-inspiring, lasted until the death of Drusus, when it underwent a drastic change. While Drusus lived, all was well since Sejanus wanted to consolidate his power, now in its infancy, by gaining renown as a good counselor. Besides, he feared an avenger in Drusus, who did not hide his resentment and frequently complained that though a son was alive and well, the emperor sought help and counsel from another. How long would it take, he exclaimed, for Sejanus to become his colleague? Whenever one sought power, the first steps were most difficult; as soon as one broke through, supporters and collaborators were easily come by. Already a new camp had been set up to please Sejanus and troops had been put at his disposal. His statues could be seen among those of Pompey and soon he would have descendants in common with those of the house of the Drusii. After all this, he said, one could only pray for enough moderation on his part to be satisfied. These things he blurted out openly and often; in any case even his secret thoughts were revealed to Sejanus by his unfaithful wife.
VIII.
Igitur Seianus maturandum ratus deligit venenum quo paulatim inrepente fortuitus morbus adsimularetur. id Druso datum per Lygdum spadonem, ut octo post annos cognitum est. ceterum Tiberius per omnis valetudinis eius dies, nullo metu an ut firmitudinem animi ostentaret, etiam defuncto necdum sepulto, curiam ingressus est. consulesque sede vulgari per speciem maestitiae sedentis honoris locique admonuit, et effusum in lacrimas senatum victo gemitu simul oratione continua erexit: non quidem sibi ignarum posse argui quod tam recenti dolore subierit oculos senatus: vix propinquorum adloquia tolerari, vix diem aspici a plerisque lugentium. neque illos imbecillitatis damnandos: se tamen fortiora solacia e complexu rei publicae petivisse. miseratusque Augustae extremam senectam, rudem adhuc nepotum et vergentem aetatem suam, ut Germanici liberi, unica praesentium malorum levatnenta, inducerentur petivit. egressi consules firmatos adloquio adulescentulos deductosque ante Caesarem statuunt. quibus adprensis ‘patres conscripti, hos’ inquit ‘orbatos parente tradidi patruo ipsorum precatusque sum, quamquam esset illi propria suboles, ne secus quam snum sanguinem foveret attolleret, sibique et posteris conformaret. erepto Druso preces ad vos converto disque et patria coram obtestor: Augusti pro nepotes, clarissimis maioribus genitos, suscipite regite, vestram meamque vicem explete. hi vobis, Nero et Druse, parentum loco. ita nati estis ut bona malaque vestra ad rem publicam pertineant.
8.
In view of this, Sejanus decided he had to act quickly and chose a poison the effect of which was slow with symptoms resembling those of a naturally occurring illness, and had the eunuch Lygdus, as came to light eight years later, administer it. But Tiberius, either because he thought there was no reason to fear for Drusus’ life or wanted to show fortitude, continued to attend the senate meetings throughout the course of the illness and even in the interval between Drusus’ death and his funeral. When the consuls chose to sit on ordinary benches, he reminded them of the place that went with the dignity of their office. At that, the assembly burst into tears, but he suppressed his emotions and spoke at length without interruptions, reviving the spirits of the grieving senators. He was aware, he said, that he could be blamed for his attendance in the senate when his loss was so recent. Under the same circumstances, most mourners would hardly tolerate the soothing words of their loved ones, nay, the light of day itself would be too hard to bear. Far from him the desire to reproach others for their weakness, he himself, however, felt the need of stronger solace in the arms of the state. He went on to comment sadly on the extreme old age of the Augusta, on the unripe years of his nephews, and on his own declining vigor. He asked that the children of Germanicus, [Nero and Drusus], his only relief from his present misery, be called in. The consuls left, gave the youngsters encouragement and led them before the emperor. He took them by the hand and, addressing the senate, said that when the boys had lost their father, he had recommended them to the care of their uncle, begging him to cherish and raise them not otherwise than if they were of his own blood, to form them so as to be a credit both to himself and to his posterity. Now that Drusus was no more, he continued, it was to them, the conscript fathers, he was turning his prayers. Before the gods and the country he implored them to care for and guide the great-grandchildren of Augustus, the scions of illustrious ancestors, and fulfil their and his duty by them. Turning then to Nero and Drusus he urged them to let the members of the senate be, as it were, their own parents and told them to remember that their condition in life was such that their virtues as well as their vices were matters of public interest.
IX.
Magno ea fletu et mox precationibus faustis audita; ac si modum orationi posuisset, misericordia sui gloriaque animoi audientium impleverat: ad vana et totiens inrisa revolutus, de reddenda re publica utque consules seu quis alius regimen susciperent, vero quoque et honesto fidem dempsit. memoriae Drusi eadem quae in Germanicum decernuntur, plerisque additis, ut ferme amat posterior adulatio. funus imaginum pompa maxime inlustre fuit, cum origo luliae gentis Aeneas omnesque Albanorum reges et conditor urbis Romulus, post Sabina nobilitas, Attus Clausus ceteraeque Claudiorum effigies longo ordine spectarentur.
9.
Many tears were shed on hearing these words, followed by prayers for mercy from heaven. If he had limited his speech to these sentiments, he would have filled the hearts of his listeners with compassion and admiration. But his falling back to his vain and often derided intention of renouncing the empire, so that the consuls or any other rulers might take over the government, removed all credibility from what was true and sincere in his oration. To the memory of Drusus were decreed all the honors given to Germanicus, but with other additions, as adulation usually loves doing when repeated. The funeral procession was truly imposing, especially for its magnificent display of likenesses of famous ancestors: Aeneas at the origin of the Julian house, all the Alban kings, Romulus who founded Rome, followed by the Sabine aristocracy, Attus Clausus and the rest of the Claudii were to be admired in the long cortege.
X.
In tradenda morte Drusi quae plurimis maximaeque fidei auctoribus memorata sunt rettuli: set non omiserim eorundem temporum rumorem validum adeo ut noudum exolescat. corrupta ad scelus Livia Seianum Lygdi quoque spadonis animum stupro vinxisse, quod is [Lygdus] aetate atque forma carus domino interque primores ministros erat; deinde inter conscios ubi locus veneficii tempusque composita sint, eo audaciae provectum ut verteret et occulto indicio Drusum veneni in patrem arguens moneret Tiberium vitandam potionem quae prima ei apud filium epulanti offerretur. ea fraude captum senem, postquam convivium inierat, exceptum poculum Druso tradidisse; atque illo ignaro et inveniliter hauriente auctam suspicionem, tamquam metu et pudore sibimet inrogaret mortem quam patri struxerat.
10.
In narrating the death of Drusus I have reported what the most reliable sources have left recorded, but I cannot pass under silence a rumor so obstinate as to remain current to this day. It alleges that after inducing Livia to crime, Sejanus similarly tied to himself in a bond no less criminal the heart and body of the eunuch Lygdus, whose age and beauty endeared him to his master and pushed him ahead of all other house attendants in influence. Then, once the accomplices agreed on the time and place suitable for administering the poison, Sejanus became so reckless as to turn his plan on its head and by veiled hints accuse Drusus of plotting the murder of his father, whom Sejanus, warned to refuse the first cup offered to him at Drusus’ table after sitting down to a banquet. Caught in the trap, the aging emperor accepted the cup and passed it to his son, who, knowing nothing, drank it off with youthful ardor. This heightened suspicion, as if remorse had made him panic to give himself the death he had meditated for his father.