XXXI.
His tam adsiduis tamque maestis modica laetitia intericitur, quod C. Cominium equitem Romanum, probrosi in se carminis convictum, Caesar precibus fratris qui senator erat concessit. quo magis mirum habebatur gnarum meliorum et quae fama clementiam sequeretur tristiora malle. neque enim socordia peccabat; nec occultum est, quando ex veritate, quando adumbrata laetitia facta imperatorum celebrentur. quin ipse, compositus alias et velut eluctantium verborum, solutius promptiusque eloquebatur quotiens subveniret. at P. Suillium quaestorem quondam Germanici, cum Italia arceretur convictus pecuniam ob rem iudicandam cepisse, amovendum in insulam censuit, tanta contentione animi ut iure iurando obstringeret e re publica id esse. quod aspere acceptum ad praesens mox in laudem vertit regresso Suillio; quem vidit sequens aetas praepotentem, venalem et Claudii principis amicitia diu prospere, numquam bene usum. eadem poena in Catum Firmium senatorem statuitur, tamquam falsis maiestatis criminibus sororem petivisset. Catus, ut rettuli, Libonem inlexerat insidiis, deinde indicio perculerat. eius operae memor Tiberius sed alia praetendens exilium deprecatus est: quo minus senatu pelleretur non obstitit.
31.
This crowded sequence of painful events was relieved by a modicum of joy when Gaius Cominius, a Roman knight convicted of being the author of a poetical satire mocking Tiberius, was pardoned at the pleading of his brother, a member of the Senate. In view of this, it was thought quite surprising that he, though aware of better policies and of the popularity that would attend his mercy, still opted for more rigorous alternatives. It was not that he lacked insight since not much of it is needed to distinguish whether the approval of the actions of a prince is sincere or counterfeit. Nay, he himself, on other occasions so chary of words and seemingly tongue-tied, would speak freely, without effort whenever he recommended leniency. In other cases, however, like that of Publius Suillius, once the quaestor of Germanicus, arraigned on charges of having accepted bribes (in a trial he had conducted as the judge) and threatened with exile, Tiberius had argued forcefully in favor of banishment. So strong were his sentiments, that he declared on oath that the measure was required for the safety of the state. Such rigor, strongly unpopular at the time, accrued to Tiberius’ credit later, when the next generation witnessed Suillius’ arrogance and venality, while he used Claudius’ friendship profitably but never honorably. Also banned by the senate was Firmius Cotus, a senator, for falsely accusing his sister of treason. Cotus, as I have previously said, had first entrapped Libo in his web, then brought ruin on him by his testimony. Tiberius remembered this service, though he adduces other reasons, and rescued Cato from exile, but opposed no resistance to his expulsion from the senate.
XXXII.
Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur.
32.
I am not unaware that much of what I am narrating or will narrate may appear of little account and hardly worth recording, but no one is to compare my work with that of historians who did preserve the past memories of the Roman people. Their field of enquiry were gigantic wars, cities under siege, kings vanquished or captured, or if they turned their eyes to internal affairs, they had the freedom to expatiate without restraint among the conflicts of consuls against tribunes, agrarian laws and the supplies of corn, the battles between patricians and plebeians. My choice is limited and the struggle without glory: a profound peace or hardly disturbed, Rome in a depressing state, and a prince averse to extending the empire. It will not, however, be profitless to observe events unimportant at first sight, but from which great movements may have their beginning.
XXXIII.
Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo.
33.
In fact, all states and cities are under the rule of either the people, or a powerful minority, or one man. To achieve the best of these three forms of government fused into one is easier to praise than to bring on, or, if brought on, it can but be of brief duration. So, when in time past the plebs were powerful, it was necessary to observe and understand the nature of the masses and the best way in which they may be governed. Or, if the aristocracy was in command, those who could fathom the minds of the patricians passed for wise men and clever interpreters of the time. Now, after the drastic change in our constitution, by which our state has become in essence the dominion of a single person, to trace and passing on the knowledge of the facts I am recording may prove very useful, since most people learn from the experience of others and only a few have the insight to distinguish unaided the true from the false, the expedient from the unhelpful. Yet, while this may enlighten the readers, it cannot entertain them. What engages and revives their attention are accounts of new places and people, the ever-changing fortunes of battles, and the death of commanders on the fields of glory. All I can do is to arrange in unending succession tales of brutal laws, of informants’ accusations, of treacherous friendships, of innocent men destroyed, of trials that end invariably in the same way, in sum, a predictable uniformity of events both boring and sickening. Besides, ancient historians are hardly ever the object of bitter censure: no one cares whether the author extols more warmly the Carthaginian or the Roman army, but in my case, the descendants of many who suffered degradation under Tiberius are still living, or even though their families are extinct, there may be those who, because of similarities in behavior, may feel that the crimes of others are a reflection on themselves. Even honor and virtue offend at times when they are too close, for they appear to place their opposites in a bad light. But I must get back to my subject.
XXXIV.
Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: ‘verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur.
34.
During the tenure of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa as consuls, Cremutius Cordus was called to answer charges of a kind never heard before, namely that in his newly published annals he had praised Marcus Brutus and called Gaius Cassius ‘the last of the Romans’. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, both Sejanus’ minions, a fact that boded not well for the accused, together with the hardened expression with which Tiberius listened to the defense of Cordus, who, already certain of losing his life, began in these terms: “Conscript fathers, so innocent am I of any criminal action that only words are imputed to me, although not even these are against the emperor or his parent, the sole persons shielded by the law of lese majesty. I am accused of having praised Brutus and Cassius, whose lives many have recorded, none without commending them. Titus Livy, who stands out above the rest for his eloquence and veracity, celebrated Gnaeus Pompeius with such high praise that Augustus called him Pompeianus, without imperiling their friendship. Livy describes Scipio, Afranius, and these same Brutus and Cassius as being men of exceptional merit, a far cry from calling bandits and parricides, the titles that are so liberally laid on them today. The writings of Asinius Pollio have handed down a glowing account of them and Messalla Corvinus often said he was proud of having had Cassius as commander. Still, Asinius and Messala led lives filled with both honors and riches. To the book of Marcus Cicero exalting Cato, how did the dictator Caesar react if not by responding with a speech of his own, as if he were defending himself in a court of law? The letters of Antony as well as the speeches of Brutus contain injurious references to Augustus, no doubt unmerited, but expressed with extreme bitterness; the poetry of Bibaculus and Catullus, still read today, is full of abuse aimed at the Caesars: nevertheless, the divine Caesar and the divine Augustus bore patiently with the authors and left them unmolested, I cannot say if that was self-restraint on their part or more likely wisdom. Things disregarded pass soon away; if you mark them, you recognize, as it were, their justness.”
XXXV.
Non attingo Graecos, quorum non modo libertas, etiam libido impunita; aut si quis advertit, dictis dicta ultus est. sed maxime solutum et sine obtrectatore fuit prodere de iis quos mors odio aut gratiae exemisset. num enim armatis Cassio et Bruto ac Philippensis campos optinentibus belli civilis causa populum per contiones incendo? an illi quidem septuagesimum ante annum perempti, quo modo imaginibus suis noscuntur, quas ne victor quidem abolevit, sic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent? suum cuique decus posteritas rependit; nec deerunt, si damnatio ingruit, qui non modo Cassii et Bruti set etiam mei meminerint.’ egressus dein senatu vitam abstinentia finivit. libros per aedilis cremandos censuere patres: set manserunt, occultati et editi. quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. nam contra punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere.
35.
“I say nothing of the Greeks: with them not only liberty but even license is tolerated, or if anyone finds fault with it, his only option is to fight words with words. Above all, there has been always unrestricted freedom to express opinions about those whom death has exempted from hatred or favor. Frankly now, am I urging people with fiery speeches to engage in civil war, while Brutus and Cassius stand ready under arms on the fields of Philippi? Or is it not rather that some seventy years after their death part of their memory still lives in the works of historians, in the same way, that we recognize them in their statues, which even the victor has not taken down? Future generations grant to each man the honor owed him. If your guilty verdict hangs over me, there are men who will remember not only Brutus and Cassius but me as well.” With these words, he left the senate and ended his life by starvation. The assembly decreed that his books be burnt by the aediles, but some copies survived, having been kept out of sight and then divulged. Thus, one cannot help laughing at the stupidity of despots who believe that their present abuses of power will equally succeed in erasing the memory of a subsequent age. Quite the opposite, the prestige of oppressed merit only grows greater. Neither foreign monarchs nor the imitators of their cruel practices gain nothing but dishonor for themselves and glory for those they persecute.
XXXVI.
Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpumius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam in crepitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur.
36.
All in all, that year was such an unending series of accusations that during the period of the Latin festival, as Drusus was approaching the tribunal in order to inaugurate his office as city prefect, Calpurnius Salvianus came up to him to denounce Sextus Marius. The action was openly reprimanded by Tiberius and became the cause of Salvianus’ exile. The people of Cyzicus, accused of neglecting the cult of Augustus and of having used violence against Roman citizens, were deprived of the autonomy they had gained during the war with Mithridates, when, besieged, they had beaten him back by their stubborn resistance no less than by the help of Lucius Licinius Lucullus. The former proconsul of Asia Fronteius Capito, on the other hand, was absolved, the charges brought by his accuser Vibius Serenus having been proven false. Serenus, however, did not incur any penalty, since his unpopularity actually protected him. The more dogged the faultfinder, the greater, as it were, his inviolability. Only the lightweight, inefficient informer was punished if he failed to convict.
XXXVII.
Per idem tempus Hispania ulterior missis ad senatum legatis oravit ut exemplo Asiae delubrum Tiberio matrique eius extrueret. qua occasione Caesar, validus alioqui spernendis honoribus et respondendum ratus iis quorum rumore arguebatur in ambitionem flexisse, huiusce modi orationem coepit: ‘scio, patres conscripti, constantiam meam a plerisque desideratam quod Asiae civitatibus nuper idem istud petentibus non sim adversatus. ergo et prioris silentii defensionem et quid in futurum statuerim simul aperiam. cum divus Augustus sibi atque urbi Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset, qui omnia facta dictaque eius vice legis observem, placitum iam exemplum promptius secutus sum quia cultui meo veneratio senatus adiungebatur. ceterum ut semel recepisse veniam habuerit, ita per omnis provincias effgie numinum sacrari ambitiosum, superbum; et vanescet Augusti honor si promiscis adulationibus vulgatur.
37.
In the same period, Ulterior Spain sent deputies to the senate to ask permission to build, on the example of Asia, a sanctuary for Caesar and his mother. On this occasion Tiberius, who at other times had been firmly opposed to such honors, thought that he should put to rest the murmurs accusing him of giving in to ambition with a speech the tenor of which was as follows: “I am aware, conscript fathers, that many of you disapprove of my want of consistency for not turning down recently a similar request from the cities of Asia. I shall now give you both the reason for my former silence and my decision on the matter for the future. The divine Augustus did not forbid the erection at Pergamum of a temple to himself and to the city of Rome. As I have always considered law every act and saying of his, I followed all the more willingly a precedent approved by him, given also that the cult of my person was tightly joined with the veneration of the senate. But though I may be excused for accepting this honor once, to be venerated in the image of a god throughout the provinces would be the height of presumption and arrogance. The reverence due to Augustus would soon fade away if cheapened by indiscriminate adulation.
XXXVIII.
Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse et hominum officia fungi satisque habere si locum principem impleam et vos testor et meminisse posteros volo; qui satis superque memoriae meae tribuent, ut maioribus meis dignum, rerum vestrarum providum, constantem in periculis, offensionum pro utilitate publica non pavidum credant. haec mihi in animis vestris templa, hae pulcherrimae effigies et mansurae. nam quae saxo struuntur, si iudicium posterorum in odium vertit, pro sepulchris spernuntur. proinde socios civis et deos ipsos precor, hos ut mihi ad finem usque vitae quietam et intellegentem humani divinique iuris mentem duint, illos ut, quandoque concessero, cum laude et bonis recordationibus facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur.’ perstititque posthac secretis etiam sermonibus aspernari talem sui cultum. quod alii modestiam, multi, quia diffideret, quidam ut degeneris animi interpretabantur. optumos quippe mortalium altissima cupere: sic Herculem et Liberum apud Graecos, Quirinum apud nos deum numero additos: melius Augustum, qui speraverit. cetera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam; nam contemptu famae contemni virtutes.
38.
I am no more than a man, conscript father, I discharge but the duties of men, and am content with performing the tasks required as your prince. I assert this before you as witnesses and I want to be remembered by future generations. They will offer me a tribute more than sufficient should they believe that I was not unworthy of my ancestors, attentive to the public interest, constant in danger, undaunted by enmities incurred in the service of the state. These are my temples, founded in your hearts; these are the most beautiful and enduring statues. Those made of stones, if the verdict of history is condemning, are disregarded as if they were old tombs. Thus, I turn my prayer to the allied nations, to all citizens, to the gods themselves; from Heaven I beseech that I will be accorded until the very end of my life an untroubled mind, capable of discerning the best laws both human and divine; from my fellow mortals that, when I die, I will be followed by their gratitude and kind remembrance.” Later, even in private talks, he continued to refuse the cult of his person. This was seen by some as modesty, by many as self-doubt, and by a few as a symptom of a weakening mind. The greatest among men, they argued, hanker after the highest honors. So, Hercules and Liber among the Greeks, Quirinus among the Romans were added to the number of deities. Augustus was the better man, for he never lost hope of being granted the honor. All other distinctions, they said, come to princes as soon as they assume power; for this one they must keep laboring, without ever tasting fulfillment, to ensure their good fame beyond the grave. For the man who scorns fame also despises virtue.
XXXIX.
At Seianus nimia fortuna socors et muliebri insuper cupidine incensus, promissum matrimonium flagitante Livia, componit ad Caesarem codicillos: moris quippe tum erat quamquam praesentem scripto adire. eius talis forma fuit: benevolentia patris Augusti et mox plurimis Tiberii iudiciis ita insuevisse ut spes votaque sua non prius ad deos quam ad principum auris conferret. neque fulgorem honorum umquam precatum: excubias ac labores ut unum e militibus pro incolumitate imperatoris malle. ac tamen quod pulcherrimum adeptum, ut coniunctione Caesaris dignus crederetur: hinc initium spei. et quoniam audiverit Augustum in conlocanda filia non nihil etiam de equitibus Romanis consultavisse, ita, si maritus Liviae quaereretur, haberet in animo amicum sola necessitudinis gloria usurum. non enim exuere imposita munia: satis aestimare firmari domum adversum iniquas Agrippinae offensiones, idque liberorum causa; nam sibi multum superque vitae fore, quod tali cum principe explevisset.
39.
Sejanus, in the meantime, bewitched by his incredible good fortune and spurred by a woman’s ambition (Livia now insistently demanding the promised marriage), addressed a petition to Tiberius, being customary at that time to submit any requests to him in writing, though he was present in Rome. Sejanus wrote that the generosity shown to him by Tiberius’ father, Augustus, and the many tokens of esteem received from his son, had encouraged in him the habit of confiding his hopes and wishes to his prince, even before addressing them to the gods. He had never craved, he said, the glitter of high office: he preferred instead strenuous work and long watches to safeguard the safety of Caesar. Yet he had obtained the greatest of honors, namely that of being considered not unworthy to become allied with the imperial family. That was the birth of his present hope, he said, and after hearing that Augustus, when the time came to marry his daughter, had not excluded from consideration suers from the Roman knights, he dared to wish, should a husband be desired for Livia, that the emperor would not forget a friend, whose only aim was the glory of the alliance. He added that he did not intend to abandon the duties demanded of him, that it was sufficient for him to secure his house against the unwarranted resentment of Agrippina, above all for the welfare of his children. As to himself, his own life was more than enough if he could spend it in the service of such a prince.
XL.
Ad ea Tiberius laudata pietate Seiani suisque in eum beneficiis modice percursis, cum tempus tamquam ad integram consultationem petivisset, adiunxit: ceteris mortalibus in eo stare consilia quid sibi conducere putent; principum diversam esse sortem quibus praecipua rerum ad famam derigenda. ideo se non illuc decurrere, quod promptum rescriptu, posse ipsam Liviam statuere, nubendum post Drusum an in penatibus isdem tolerandum haberet; esse illi matrem et aviam, propiora consilia. simplicius acturum, de inimicitiis primum Agrippinae, quas longe acrius arsuras si matrimonium Liviae velut in partis domum Caesarum distraxisset. sic quoque erumpere aemulationem feminarum, eaque discordia nepotes suos convelli: quid si intendatur certamen tali coniugio? ‘falleris enim, Seiane, si te mansurum in eodem ordine putas, et Liviam, quae G. Caesari, mox Druso nupta fuerit, ea mente acturam ut cum equite Romano senescat. ego ut sinam, credisne passuros qui fratrem eius, qui patrem maioresque nostros in summis imperiis videre? vis tu quidem istum intra locum sistere: sed illi magistratus et primores, qui te invitum perrumpunt omnibusque de rebus consulunt, excessisse iam pridem equestre fastigium longeque antisse patris mei amicitias non occulti ferunt perque invidiam tui me quoque incusant. at enim Augustus filiam suam equiti Romano tradere meditatus est. mirum hercule, si cum in omnis curas distraheretur immensumque attolli provideret quem coniunctione tali super alios extulisset, C. Proculeium et quosdam in sermonibus habuit insigni tranquillitate vitae, nullis rei publicae negotiis permixtos. sed si dubitatione Augusti movemur, quanto validius est quod Marco Agrippae, mox mihi conlocavit? atque ego haec pro amicitia non occultavi: ceterum neque tuis neque Liviae destinatis adversabor. ipse quid intra animum volutaverim, quibus adhuc necessitudinibus immiscere te mihi parem, omittam ad praesens referre: id tantum aperiam, nihil esse tam excelsum quod non virtutes istae tuusque in me animus mereantur, datoque tempore vel in senatu s vel in contione non reticebo.’
40.
In his answer, Tiberius commended Sejanus’ devotion and after mentioning lightly his own generosity, asked for time as if he intended to reflect more fully on Sejanus’ request, then wrote that men in general have only their interest in mind, when they take counsel with themselves, whereas princes must consider public approval in all affairs of state. For this reason, he said, he did not give him the first answer that had occurred to him, namely that Livia herself was capable of deciding whether she should remarry after Drusus or continue to live in the same house. Besides, to advise her she had a mother and a grandmother near at hand. He went on to speak quite frankly, as he said, of Agrippina’s hostility, which would be aggravated if Livia remarried and would divide the imperial family into two camps. Jealousies among the women were breaking out already and his nephews were severely tried by the discord. What would happen, he asked, if the conflicts were intensified by the marriage? Sejanus was wrong, he wrote, if he thought that he could retain his present position and that Livia, having been the wife of Gaius Caesar and of Drusus, would accept to grow old wedded to a mere Roman knight. Even if he, Tiberius, gave his consent, how could Sejanus imagine that those who knew her brother, her father, the ancestors holding the highest offices of state were going to tolerate it? If it was true that he desired to remain within the limits of his order, the magistrates and citizens of high rank, that importuned him at all times and consulted him on all things, were openly declaring that he had far exceeded his status as a member of the equestrian class and far surpassed in favor Augustus’ other friends. Out of jealousy towards Sejanus, he said, they were then turning against himself. In response to Sejanus’ reference to Augustus’ intention to accord his daughter to a Roman knight, Tiberius asked him whether he found it surprising that the emperor, weighed down by the infinite cares of government and made nervous by the prospect of vastly advancing another man by the alliance, should mention men like Gaius Proculeius, noted for their quiet life away from politics. How relevant, he asked, was that momentary hesitation on Augustus’ part compared to his giving his daughter to Marcus Agrippa, then to himself? He said he spoke openly, plainly, as their friendship required, but, as to the rest — the future plans he had been considering and the new ties with which he intended to unite him to himself — he said that he preferred not to reveal as yet. For the time being, he wanted to state that no honor was beyond Sejanus’ merit and devotion. When the occasion should present itself, either in the senate or before the people, he would not be silent.