LI.
Interea barbari catervis decurrentes nunc in vallum manualia saxa, praeustas sudes, decisa robora iacere, nunc virgultis et cratibus et corporibus exanimis complere fossas, quidam pontis et scalas ante fabricati inferre propugnaculis eaque prensare, detrahere et adversum resistentis comminus niti. miles contra deturbare telis, pellere umbonibus, muralia pila, congestas lapidum molis provolvere. his partae victoriae spes et si cedant insignitius flagitium, illis extrema iam salus et adsistentes plerisque matres et coniuges earumque lamenta addunt animos. nox aliis in audaciam, aliis ad formidinem opportuna; incerti ictus, vulnera improvisa; suorum atque hostium ignoratio et montis anfractu repercussae velut a tergo voces adeo cuncta miscuerant ut quaedam munimenta Romani quasi perrupta omiserint. neque tamen pervasere hostes nisi admodum pauci: ceteros, deiecto promptissimo quoque aut saucio, adpetente iam luce trusere in summa castelli ubi tandem coacta deditio. et proxima sponte incolarum recepta: reliquis quo minus vi aut obsidio subigerentur praematura montis Haemi et saeva hiems subvenit.
51.
Soon hordes of barbarians came rushing down from the heights, aiming stones hurled by hand at our defenses, stakes hardened by fire and sturdy branches cut from trees; others filled the ditch with brushwood, fascines, and the corpses of the fallen. Some brought forward ladders and footbridges, prepared in advance, to the fortifications and struggled to get hold of them to tear them down, at the same time engaging the defenders in convulsed hand-to-hand fighting. On their side, our men pushed back the rebels with missiles or with their shields or dislodged them with siege javelins and a tempest of heavy stones. They were determined to win since defeat would bring irreparable shame. For the mountaineers, this was their last desperate hope of safety and a further stimulus for them was the presence of many of their mothers and spouses, whose cries reached their ears. The night brought encouragement to some and dismay to others. Strikes were now haphazard and wound unforeseen, there is no way to tell friends from foes. The clamor of battle, echoed back by the tortuous mountain valleys and deep recesses and seemingly coming from their rear, caused such uncertainty among the Romans that they thought part of the defenses had been abandoned after being stormed by the enemy. Yet only a few rebels had penetrated them and the most resolute of the attackers had been repulsed or wounded, while the rest were pushed back to their mountain strongholds near dawn, where they were finally forced to surrender. The neighboring communities, on their own initiative, also submitted. What was left of the rebels was spared being subjected to violent assault or to a long siege by the early and cruel winter of the Haemus mountain range.
LII.
At Romae commota principis domo, ut series futuri in Agrippinam exitii inciperet Claudia Pulchra sobrina eius postulatur accusante Domitio Afro. is recens praetura, modicus dignationis et quoquo facinore properus clarescere, crimen impudicitiae, adulterum Furnium, veneficia in principem et devotiones obiectabat. Agrippina semper atrox, tum et periculo propinquae accensa, pergit ad Tiberium ac forte sacrificantem patri repperit. quo initio invidiae non eiusdem ait mactare divo Augusto victimas et posteros eius insectari. non in effigies mutas divinum spiritum transfusum: se imaginem veram, caelesti sanguine ortam, intellegere discrimen, suscipere sordis. frustra Pulchram praescribi cui sola exitii causa sit quod Agrippinam stulte prorsus ad cultum delegerit oblita Sosiae ob eadem adflictae. audita haec raram occulti pectoris vocem elicuere, correptamque Graeco versu admonuit non ideo laedi quia non regnaret. Pulchra et Furnius damnantur. Afer primoribus oratorum additus, divulgato ingenio et secuta adseveratione Caesaris qua suo iure disertum eum appellavit. mox capessendis accusationibus aut reos tutando prosperiore eloquentiae quam morum fama fuit, nisi quod aetas extrema multum etiam eloquentiae dempsit, dum fessa mente retinet silentii impatientiam.
52.
Meanwhile at Rome, after the blows already suffered by the imperial family, the process was begun that would lead to the destruction of Agrippina. As the first step, Claudia Pulchra, her cousin, was brought to trial by Domitius Afer. He had completed his term as praetor and acquired only mediocre renown, so he was all the more eager to gain prestige by accusing Claudia of immoral life and adultery with Furnius, and of using malefic philters and incantations against Tiberius. Agrippina, always intemperate, now more so in view of the danger, her relation was in, rushed to Tiberius who happened to be performing a sacrifice to Augustus. This very circumstance gave her the opportunity to upbraid him for immolating victims to the divine Augustus while persecuting his progeny. It was not, she exclaimed, into mute stone images that Augustus’ living soul had been transfused: she herself was the true effigy of his immortal blood and she saw clearly her danger and wore mourning to sorrow over her squalor. In vain, she said, was Pulchra used as a pretext. The sole motive for her ruin was that she very imprudently had chosen Agrippina as the object of her devotion, forgetting that Sosia had fallen for the same misdeed. Her attack elicited an unguarded response, rare in Tiberius given his unfathomable character. He grasped her and answered, quoting a Greek verset, that the fact she was not queen was the real reason she was offended. Pulchra and Furnius were found guilty. Afer was added to the roster of famous orators. His talent was widely advertised and later Tiberius remarked that Afer’s extraordinary talent was a gift from nature. From then on, both as a prosecutor and a defense lawyer, he was more notorious for his eloquence than for being a good man. Yet, advanced age deprived him even of much of his eloquence, and while his mind weakened, his unwillingness to be silent grew ever stronger.
LIII.
At Agrippina pervicax irae et morbo corporis implicata, cum viseret eam Caesar, profusis diu ac per silentium lacrimis, mox invidiam et preces orditur: subveniret solitudini, daret maritum; habilem adhuc inventam sibi neque aliud probis quam ex matrimonio solacium; esse in civitate, * * * Germanici coniugem ac liberos eius recipere dignarentur. sed Caesar non ignarus quantum ex re publica peteretur, ne tamen offensionis aut metus manifestus foret sine responso quamquam instantem reliquit. id ego, a scriptoribus annalium non traditum, repperi in commentariis Agrippinae filiae quae Neronis principis mater vitam suam et casus suorum posteris memoravit.
53.
Agrippina, more aggrieved than ever and now confined by illness, received a visit from Tiberius. There was a long silence between them while she shed many tears, then she mingled complaints with prayers, entreating him to pity her loneliness and give her a husband: her age was such that she aspired to wed again and to an honest woman nothing remained but the consolations of marriage. There were Roman citizens, she said, who would consider it an honor to accept Germanicus’ wife and his children. Tiberius, however, did not fail to grasp the political consequences of such a request, but to avoid giving any indication of displeasure or alarm, he departed without answering, despite her insistence. This interview, left unrecorded by all historians, I found in the diary kept by the younger Agrippina, the mother of emperor Nero, in which she recorded her life history and the misadventures of her family.
LIV.
Ceterum Seianus maerentem et improvidam altius perculit, immissis qui per speciem amicitiae monerent paratum ei venenum, vitandas soceri epulas. atque illa simulationum nescia, cum propter discumberet, non vultu aut sermone flecti, nullos attingere cibos, donec advertit Tiberius, forte an quia audiverat; idque quo acrius experiretur, poma, ut erant adposita, laudans nurui sua manu tradidit. aucta ex eo suspicio Agrippinae et intacta ore servis tramisit. nec tamen Tiberii vox coram secuta, sed obversus ad matrem non mirum ait si quid severius in eam statuisset a qua veneficii insimularetur. inde rumor parari exitium neque id imperatorem palam audere, secretum ad perpetrandum quaeri.
54.
But Sejanus took advantage of Agrippina’s depressed and unguarded state of mind to weaken her even further. He sent his lackeys to her, who under the pretense of friendship was to warn her of a plan to poison her and that she should avoid partaking of food at her father-in-law’s table. She, unschooled in the art of dissembling, kept silent as she reclined on the dining couch near Tiberius, her expression rigidly set, her food left untouched, until the prince either noticed her behaviour, or was made aware of it. To sound her out more closely, he praised some fruit that was being served and offered it to her, who, made more suspicious, passed it to the servants without tasting it. Tiberius forbore to make any overt comment, but turning to his mother said it was no wonder if he had taken markedly strict measures against his daughter-in-law, by whom he was suspected to be a poisoner. This gave rise to the rumor that her murder was being prepared, but that the emperor, not daring to act openly, was searching for a secret way to accomplish the deed.
LV.
Sed Caesar quo famam averteret adesse frequens senatui legatosque Asiae ambigentis quanam in civitate templum statueretur pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, pari ambitione, viribus diversae. neque multum distantia inter se memorabant de vetustate generis, studio in populum Romanum per bella Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi ut parum validi; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romae Troiam referrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum addubitatum quod Halicarnasii mille et ducentos per annos nullo motu terrae nutavisse sedes suas vivoque in saxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitebantur) aede Augusto ibi sita satis adeptos creditum. Ephesii Milesiique, hi Apollinis, illi Dianae caerimonia occupavisse civitates visi. ita Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque deliberatum. Sardiani decretum Etruriae recitavere ut consanguinei: nam Tyrrhenum Lydumque Atye rege genitos ob multitudinem divisisse gentem; Lydum patriis in terris resedisse, Tyrrheno datum novas ut conderet sedes; et ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam, his in Italia; auctamque adhuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in Graeciam populis cui mox a Pelope nomen. simul litteras imperatorum et icta nobiscum foedera bello Macedonum ubertatemque fluminum suorum, temperiem caeli ac ditis circum terras memorabant.
55.
In order to deflect from himself the talk of the people, Tiberius took to attending the senate meetings on a regular basis, listening to embassies from Asia competing for the place where the temple to himself was to be erected. Eleven cities vied with one another with equal fervor, but with unequal resources at their disposal. Their claims were based on very similar arguments: the antiquity of their origin, their devotion to the Roman people in the wars with Perseus, with Aristonicus, and with other kings. The communities of Hypaepa, Tralles, Laodicea, and Magnesia were excluded as being not sufficiently competitive. Even Ilium was disqualified despite the claim of being the birthplace of Rome. Its title rested solely on the ancient past of the city. Some hesitation in favor of Halicarnassus was caused by the assertion of its envoys that their city had been earthquake-free for twelve hundred years and the promise that their temple would rest on solid rock. Pergamus was passed over in view of the fact that they derived sufficient honor by having already the temple of Augustus, the very argument on which the envoys based their claim. Both the Ephesians and the Milesians were declared ineligible because the cult of Diana of the one and the cult of Apollo of the other were seen as a sufficient endowment of religious worship. So, all that remained were the cities of Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians produced a decree on the force of which the Etrurians recognized them as their blood brothers, since Lydus and Tyrrhenus, the sons of king Atys, had divided their people into two parts, in view of their excessive numbers. Lydus had remained in place on the land of his fathers, Tyrrhenus was given new territory [in Italy] on which to settle. The names of the two countries, one in Asia and the other in Italy, were taken from their respective leaders. The prosperity of the Lydians was expanded by sending colonies to that part of Greece that took the name of Pelops. The Sardians also directed the attention of the senate to letters from Roman commanders and to treaties made with us during the Macedonian war. Finally, they emphasized their abundance of rivers, the balmy climate, and the fertility of the land all around them.
LVI.
At Zmymaei repetita vetustate, seu Tantalus Iove ortus illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum condidisset, transcendere ad ea, quis maxime fidebant, in populum Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella sed quae in Italia tolerabantur; seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperitatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem nuntiatum foret, omnis qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres Zmyrnaeos praetulere. censuitque Vibius Marsus ut M’. Lepido, cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur qui templi curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse deligere per modestiam abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est.
56.
The people of Smyrna first dwelt again on the antiquity of their city, tracing back its origin to either Tantalus, Jupiter’s son, or Theseus, also of divine parentage, or one of the Amazons. They then moved on to mention the titles on which they counted the most, their services to the Roman people, for example in providing us with naval forces, not solely in wars on foreign soil but also in those we had to fight in Italy. Before anyone else, they had erected a temple to the city of Rome during the consulate of Marcus Porcius Cato, the censor, at the time when Rome, though already great, was not yet master of the world, for Carthage was still strong and there were powerful kingdoms in Asia. Another example they cited was the emergency Lucius Sulla faced when his army had been severely affected by a harsh winter and a shortage of clothing. News of the crisis had hardly reached the people of Smyrna (at the time holding a public meeting) when all present removed their clothes and sent them to our troops. Thus, when it came to a vote in the Senate, Smyrna was chosen as the preferred city. Vibius Marsus proposed that Marcus Lepidus, then governor of Asia, should appoint a supplementary legate to supervise the construction of the temple and, as Lepidus was too modest to choose the legate himself, Valerius Naso, one of the former praetors, was picked by casting lots.
LVII.
Inter quae diu meditato prolatoque saepius consilio tandem Caesar in Campaniam, specie dedicandi templa apud Capuam Iovi, apud Nolam Augusto, sed certus procul urbe degere. causam abscessus quamquam secutus plurimos auctorum ad Seiani artes rettuli, quia tamen caede eius patrata sex postea annos pari secreto coniunxit, plerumque permoveor num ad ipsum referri verius sit, saevitiam ac libidinem cum factis promeret, locis occultantem. erant qui crederent in senectute corporis quoque habitum pudori fuisse: quippe illi praegracilis et incurva proceritas, nudus capillo vertex, ulcerosa facies ac plerumque medicaminibus interstincta; et Rhodi secreto vitare coetus, recondere voluptates insuerat. traditur etiam matris impotentia extrusum quam dominationis sociam aspernabatur neque depellere poterat, cum dominationem ipsam donum eius accepisset. nam dubitaverat Augustus Germanicum, sororis nepotem et cunctis laudatum, rei Romanae imponere, sed precibus usoris evictus Tiberio Germanicum, sibi Tiberium adscivit. idque Augusta exprobrabat, reposcebat.
57.
During this same time, acting on a plan often meditated and just as often postponed, Tiberius finally retired to Campania, having decided for the future to live away from Rome, on the pretext of dedicating two temples, one to Jupiter near Capua and one to Augustus near Nola. Though the motive of his retirement I have previously attributed to Sejanus, following the example of most historians, yet, considering that after the removal of Sejanus he added six more years to his isolation, I am often inclined to ask myself whether it would not be closer to the truth to assign the motive to the prince himself, trying to hide in his retreat the cruelty and lust so manifest in his acts. There were those who believed also that in his old age he felt ashamed of his appearance. He was tall and gaunt, walked with a stoop, had no hair, and his face was covered with pustules and, over them, plaster. During his retreat at Rhodes, he had avoided company and kept his forbidden pleasures a secret. It was said that his mother’s despotism had forced him to leave. He could not tolerate sharing power with her, but could not ignore her either, since she was the one who had given him that power. In fact, Augustus had considered leaving the empire to Germanicus, his sister’s grandson, a man universally loved, but had yielded to Livia’s prayers and had Tiberius adopt Germanicus, while he himself had adopted Tiberius. All this Livia flung in Tiberius’ face, exacting her share of the empire.
LVIII.
Profectio arto comitatu fuit: unus senator consulatu functus, Cocceius Nerva, cui legum peritia, eques Romanus praeter Seianum ex inlustribus Curtius Atticus, ceteri liberalibus studiis praediti, ferme Graeci, quorum sermonibus levaretur. ferebant periti caelestium iis motibus siderum excessisse Roma Tiberium ut reditus illi negaretur. unde exitii causa multis fuit properum finem vitae coniectantibus vulgantibusque; neque enim tam incredibilem casum providebant ut undecim per annos libens patria careret. mox patuit breve confinium artis et falsi veraque quam obscuris tegerentur. nam in urbem non regressurum haud forte dictum: ceterorum nescii egere, cum propinquo rure aut litore et saepe moenia urbis adsidens extremam senectam compleverit.
58.
He left Rome with few followers: a senator and legal scholar who had been consul, Cocceius Nerva, a Roman knight of high rank, Curtius Atticus, and, lastly, Sejanus. The remainder of his train were men of learning, most of them Greek to entertain him with their conversation. Men who could read the heavens declared that Tiberius’ departure from Rome had occurred in such conjunction with the stars that he would be denied a return to Rome. This dangerous assertion resulted in the ruin of many, who not only estimated that Tiberius’ end was near but also publicized their views, being unable to imagine the incredible circumstance of a prince voluntarily remaining absent from the capital for eleven years. It became clear, eventually, how small the difference between an astrologer and a charlatan is and by what mysteries the truth may be obscured. The prediction he would never return was true enough, but, as to the rest, the pundits were groping in the dark, for Tiberius, residing in turn in the open country, or on the coast near Rome, and often approaching the very walls of the city, lived to the farthest limits of old age.
LIX.
Ac forte illis diebus oblatum Caesari anceps periculum auxit vana rumoris praebuitque ipsi materiem cur amicitiae constantiaeque Seiani magis fideret. vescebantur in villa cui vocabulum Speluncae mare Amunclanum inter et Fundanos montis nativo in specu. eius os lapsis repente saxis obruit quosdam ministros: hinc metus in omnis et fuga eorum qui convivium celebrabant. Seianus genu voltuque et manibus super Caesarem suspensus opposuit sese incidentibus atque habitu tali repertus est a militibus qui subsidio venerant. maior ex eo et quamquam exitiosa suaderet ut non sui anxius cum fide audiebatur. adsimulabatque iudicis partis adversum Germanici stirpem, subditis qui accusatorum nomina sustinerent maximeque insectarentur Neronem proximum successioni et, quamquam modesta iuventa, plerumque tamen quid in praesentiarum conduceret oblitum, dum a libertis et clientibus, apiscendae potentiae properis, extimulator ut erectum et fidentem animi ostenderet: velle id populum Romanum, cupere exercitus, neque ausurum contra Seianum qui nunc patientiam senis et segnitiam iuvenis iuxta insultet.
59.
In those same days, Tiberius was by chance exposed to mortal danger, an incident that encouraged idle talk and gave him reason to trust even more the friendship and devotion of Sejanus. They were banqueting at a country estate called The Sperlonga, a natural cavern between the bay of Amyclae and the mountains of Fundi. The mouth of the cavern partly collapsed and the rocks crushed some of the servants: this caused panic and subsequent flight among the guests. Sejanus placed himself over Tiberius and shielded him from the falling rubble with his knees, face, and hands. He was found in that posture by the soldiers rushing to their aid. From there on Sejanus became even more powerful: though his advice might be ruinous, the fact that he had forgotten to shield the prince made Tiberius listen to him without reserve. Sejanus affected the fairness of a judge towards Germanicus’ family, while he encouraged his flunkeys to assume the role of accusers and attack Nero in particular, the heir of the empire, who, despite his youthful reserve, often neglected to act with the assurance his position required of him. His freedmen and clients, impatient to gain power, spurred him to be more assertive and show more confidence. It was the will of the people, they said, the desire of the armies; Sejanus would not dare to stand in his way, though at that moment he scoffed at the docility of the aged Tiberius and at the inertia of the young Nero.
LX.
Haec atque talia audienti nihil quidem pravae cogitationis, sed interdum voces procedebant contumaces et inconsultae, quas adpositi custodes exceptas auctasque cum deferrent neque Neroni defendere daretur, diversae insuper sollicitudinum formae oriebantur. nam alius occursum eius vitare, quidam salutatione reddita statim averti, plerique inceptum sermonem abrumpere, insistentibus contra inridentibusque qui Seiano fautores aderant. enimvero Tiberius torvus aut falsum renidens vultu: seu loqueretur seu taceret iuvenis, crimen ex silentio, ex voce. ne nox quidem secura, cum uxor vigilias somnos suspiria matri Liviae atque illa Seiano patefaceret; qui fratrem quoque Neronis Drusum traxit in partis, spe obiecta principis loci si priorem aetate et iam labefactum demovisset. atrox Drusi ingenium super cupidinem potentiae et solita fratribus odia accendebatur invidia quod mater Agrippina promptior Neroni erat. neque tamen Seianus ita Drusum fovabat ut non in eum quoque semina futuri exitii meditaretur, gnarus praeferocem et insidiis magis opportunum.
60.
Though listening to such advice, Nero did not entertain any drastic scheme of revenge, but now and then would merely utter certain unguarded and contentious expressions, which spies placed around him did not fail to collect, enlarge, and report, without giving him a chance to defend himself. As a result, new alarming signs of various kinds were becoming noticeable. Someone may go out of his way to avoid meeting him; others, after salutations, would at once leave him; many, having engaged in conversation, would abruptly cut it short, whereas partisans of Sejanus, if present, would linger and snicker at him for being so poorly treated. Tiberius, when speaking with him, either wore a scowl or a false smile, and whether the young man spoke or kept silent, he was equally to blame. Not even the night was safe, since his vigils, his slumbers, and his every sigh were revealed by his wife to her mother Livilla and by her to Sejanus, who even dragged Drusus, Nero’s brother, into his camp, luring him with the hope of the principate, if he displaced his elder brother, already hopelessly compromised. Drusus’ fierce temper, besides being inflamed by the thirst for power and by the envy frequent between brothers, was whipped up by Agrippina’s preference for Nero. Yet, Sejanus’ support for Drusus was not such as to exclude his future destruction, since he knew full well how prone Drusus was to rashness, thus much easier to entrap.