LXI.
Fine anni excessere insignes viri Asinius Agrippa, claris maioribus quam vetustis vitaque non degener, et Q. Haterius, familia senatoria, eloquentiae quoad vixit celebratae: monimenta ingeni eius haud perinde retinentur. scilicet impetu magis quam cura vigebat; utque aliorum meditatio et labor in posterum valescit, sic Haterii canorum illud et profluens cum ipso simul extinctum est.
61.
Near the end of the year, two prominent men died, Asinius Agrippa of a family more illustrious than ancient, whose luster his life did not obscure, and Quintus Haterius of a senatorial family, a celebrated orator as long as he lived. The reminders of his talent he left behind enjoyed less fame than one might expect, as clearly the force of his eloquence came from his passion, not from his art, and just as the labor and care others expend on their creations find recognition in subsequent ages, so Haterius’ suggestive voice and musical verve died when he did.
LXII.
Licinio L. Calpurnio consulibus ingentium bellorum cladem aequavit malum improvisum: eius initium simul et finis extitit. nam coepto apud Fidenam amphitheatro Atilius quidam libertini generis, quo spectaculum gladiatorum celebraret, neque fundamenta per solidum subdidit neque firmis nexibus ligneam compagem superstruxit, ut qui non abundantia pecuniae nec municipali ambitione sed in sordidam mercedem id negotium quaesivisset. adfluxere avidi talium, imperitante Tiberio procul voluptatibus habiti, virile ac muliebre secus, omnis aetas, ob propinquitatem loci effusius; unde gravior pestis fuit, conferta mole, dein convulsa, dum ruit intus aut in exteriora effunditur immensamque vim mortalium, spectaculo intentos aut qui circum adstabant, praeceps trahit atque operit. et illi quidem quos principium stragis in mortem adflixerat, ut tali sorte, cruciatum effugere: miserandi magis quos abrupta parte corporis nondum vita deseruerat; qui per diem visu, per noctem ululatibus et gemitu coniuges aut liberos noscebant. iam ceteri fama exciti, hic fratrem, propinquum ille, alius parentes lamentari. etiam quorum diversa de causa amici aut necessarii aberant, pavere tamen; nequedum comperto quos illa vis perculisset, latior ex incerto metus.
62.
In the new year, Marcus Licinius and Lucius Calpurnius being consuls, a sudden disaster made as many victims as a battle in a major war. It ended almost as soon as it began. A freedman named Atilius had undertaken the construction of an amphitheater at Fidena to offer a gladiatorial show, neglecting both to provide a solid base and to erect the wooden superstructure securely braced with strong lumber. He had embarked on the project motivated by neither an abundance of money nor from a desire of acquiring local popularity, but simply by the sordid pursuit of gain. People avid of such spectacles came in droves, men and women of all ages, who had been deprived of that kind of amusement under Tiberius. The proximity of Rome had magnified the flood of spectators, aggravating the catastrophe. The huge structure, crowded with people, collapsed both inward and sideward under the weight, taking down with it and crushing the vast multitude absorbed in watching the show or just standing around. Those who were killed at once by the collapse, tragic though their fate was, at least escaped unbearable suffering. More to be pitied were those who, mutilated in the crash, remained alive and, trapped amid the rubble, could espy and recognize their spouses and children during the day and at night could hear their cries and lamentations. Crowds were now attracted by the news of the disaster and people mourned brothers, parents, or other kinsmen. Even those whose friends or relatives were absent for reasons of a different kind had grounds for fear. As long as it was not clearly determined whom the tragedy had struck, the uncertainty spread anxiety far and wide.
LXIII.
Vt coepere dimoveri obruta, concursus ad exanimos complectentium, osculantium; et saepe certamen si confusior facies sed par forma aut aetas errorem adgnoscentibus fecerat. quinquaginta hominum milia eo casu debilitata vel obtrita sunt; cautumque in posterum senatus consulto ne quis gladiatorium munus ederet cui minor quadringentorum milium res neve amphitheatrum imponeretur nisi solo firmitatis spectatae. Atilius in exilium actus est. Ceterum sub recentem cladem patuere procerum domus, fomenta et medici passim praebiti, fuitque urbs per illos dies quamquam maesta facie veterum institutis similis, qui magna post proelia saucios largitione et cura sustentabant.
63.
As they began to remove the fallen structure, all present rushed to embrace the victims and cover them with kisses. Often quarrels arose over them if a disfigured face, otherwise familiar in form and age, confused those who tried to identify their relatives. Fifty thousand people were mangled or crushed in that calamity. Consequently, a decree was passed that no one was in the future to organize a gladiatorial show if his worth was less than four hundred thousand sesterces and only if the chosen site was of proven solidity. Atilius was sentenced to exile. For the rest, when the terrible event occurred, the houses of affluent people were thrown open and medical supplies were made available in abundance and so were the services of physicians. Rome on that occasion, despite the mood of mourning, seemed to return to the customs of the past, when after a major battle, relief in the form of care or financial aid was extended to the wounded.
LXIV.
Nondum ea clades exoleverat cum ignis violentia urbem ultra solitum adfecit, deusto monte Caelio; feralemque annum ferebant et ominibus adversis susceptum principi consilium absentiae, qui mos vulgo, fortuita ad culpam trahentes, ni Caesar obviam isset tribuendo pecunias ex modo detrimenti. actaeque ei grates apud senatum ab inlustribus famaque apud populum, quia sine ambitione aut proximorum precibus ignotos etiam et ultro accitos munificentia iuverat. adduntur sententiae ut mons Caelius in posterum Augustus appellaretur, quando cunctis circum flagrantibus sola Tiberii effigies sita in domo Iunii senatoris inviolata mansisset. evenisse id olim Claudiae Quintae eiusque statuam vim ignium bis elapsam maiores apud aedem matris deum consecravisse. sanctos acceptosque numinibus Claudios et augendam caerimoniam loco in quo tantum in principem honorem di ostenderint.
64.
The shock of that tragedy had hardly abated when a destructive fire hit the city with extraordinary force, devastating the Caelian hill. It was said that the year was ill-fated and that Tiberius’ decision to leave the city had been made under the worst of auspices, for it is the way of the masses to impute to someone the blind strokes of adverse fortune. The emperor, however, put the rumor to rest by distributing help commensurate with the losses sustained. The Senate passed a vote of thanks on the initiative of its most distinguished members and the populace showed gratitude by its good opinion of the prince for his disinterested liberality and impartial largesse, extended even to strangers, encouraged by himself, without being solicited, to apply for relief. It was proposed that the Caelian hill be renamed Augustan since a statue of Tiberius in the house of a senator named Junius was left untouched despite the fire raging all around. People remembered that the same prodigy had occurred in the case of Claudia Quintus’ statue, which twice had escaped the flames and was consecrated in the temple of the Mother of the Gods. Hence the belief that the Claudia gens was inviolable and dear to the gods and that the site where they had manifestly favored the prince must be granted special veneration.
LXV.
Haud fuerit absurdum tradere montem eum antiquitus Querquetulanum cognomento fuisse, quod talis silvae frequens fecundusque erat, mox Caelium appellitatum a Caele Vibenna, qui dux gentis Etruscae cum auxilium tulisset sedem eam acceperat a Tarquinio Prisco, seu quis alius regum dedit: nam scriptores in eo dissentiunt. cetera non ambigua sunt, magnas eas copias per plana etiam ac foro propinqua habitavisse, unde Tuscum vicum e vocabulo advenarum dictum.
65.
It may not be too unbefitting to remind the reader that the ancient name of the Caelian hill was Querquetulanus, as the hill was densely covered with oak trees, then was called Caelian from Caeles Vibenna, the Etruscan leader who had brought reinforcements to the assistance of Rome and had received permission to settle on that hill from Tarquinius Priscus, or whatever other king had granted it, for historians do not agree on this point. The rest is beyond doubt: Vibenna’s considerable force settled on the level ground below, in the space adjacent to the Forum. The street called Tuscan was named after these foreign newcomers.
LXVI.
Sed ut studia procerum et largitio principis adversum casus solacium tulerant, ita accusatorum maior in dies et infestior vis sine levamento grassabatur; corripueratque Varum Quintilium, divitem et Caesari propinquum, Domitius Afer, Claudiae Pulchrae matris eius condemnator, nullo mirante quod diu egens et parto nuper praemio male usus plura ad flagitia accingeretur. Publium Dolabellam socium delationis extitisse miraculo erat, quia claris maioribus et Varo conexus suam ipse nobilitatem, suum sanguinem perditum ibat. restitit tamen senatus et opperiendum imperatorem censuit, quod unum urgentium malorum suffugium in tempus erat.
66.
Just as the concern of the upper classes and the open-handedness of Tiberius brought respite against the two disasters, so the furor of informers gained momentum and became more virulent by the day without relief in sight. Domitius Afer, the prosecutor of Claudia Pulchra, latched onto Varus Quintilius, a rich relative of Caesar. No one was surprised that this man, who, penniless for a long time, had run through his recently won prize money, should now meditate new villainies. What was really astounding was the fact that Publius Dolabella, noble-born and connected to Varus by marriage, had become Afer’s partner in the prosecution and was dragging his own patrician house and high descent to ruin. The Senate, however, intervened and halted the proceedings, having decided to await the emperor’s return from Campania, the only way available to avoid impending evils, at least temporarily.
LXVII.
At Caesar dedicatis per Campaniam templis, quamquam edicto monuisset ne quis quietem eius inrumperet, concursusque oppidanorum disposito milite prohiberentur, perosus tamen municipia et colonias omniaque in continenti sita Capreas se in insulam abdidit trium milium freto ab extremis Surrentini promunturii diiunctam. solitudinem eius placuisse maxime crediderim, quoniam importuosum circa mare et vix modicis navigiis pauca subsidia; neque adpulerit quisquam nisi gnaro custode. caeli temperies hieme mitis obiectu montis quo saeva ventorum arcentur; aestas in favonium obversa et aperto circum pelago peramoena; prospectabatque pulcherrimum sinum, antequam Vesuvius mons ardescens faciem loci verteret. Graecos ea tenuisse Capreasque Telebois habitatas fama tradit. sed tum Tiberius duodecim villarum nominibus et molibus insederat, quanto intentus olim publicas ad curas tanto occultiores in luxus et malum otium resolutus. manebat quippe suspicionum et credendi temeritas quam Seianus augere etiam in urbe suetus acrius turbabat non iam occultis adversum Agrippinam et Neronem insidiis. quis additus miles nuntios, introitus, aperta secreta velut in annalis referebat, ultroque struebantur qui monerent perfugere ad Germaniae exercitus vel celeberrimo fori effigiem divi Augusti amplecti populumque ac senatum auxilio vocare. eaque spreta ab illis, velut pararent, obiciebantur.
67.
But Tiberius, having dedicated the temples in Campania, hid on the island of Capri, separated by a strait of three miles from the westernmost point of the promontory of Sorrento. Although he had warned in an edict that no one was to interfere with his retirement and had given orders that troops be posted to keep away the throngs of local people, he nevertheless loathed the municipal towns, the colonies, and everything else located on the mainland. I would say that he was particularly attracted to the isolation of the island since the sea all around had no harbor and barely any landing places for even small vessels. No one could approach without being spotted by sentinels. The winter climate is mild for the mountain is a barrier against the winds. The summer is exceptionally pleasant, being open to the winds and the sea on all sides. The gulf Capri overlooked was beautiful beyond description before the eruption of Vesuvius altered the face of the landscape. It is believed that Greeks settled these regions and that Capri was inhabited by the Teleboans. Tiberius had then taken possession of twelve villas as his residence, each with its impressive name and ample dimensions. Just as formerly he was absorbed in matters of state, so now he indulged in forbidden pleasures and shameful sloth. His tendency to be suspicious and always imagine the worst, however, remained. Sejanus had encouraged it in Rome and now incited it more actively, no longer limiting himself to secret schemes against Agrippina and Nero. Now soldiers were detached to be with them and to record all messages, visits, and public and private doings as if keeping a logbook. Furthermore, agents were instructed to advise them to take refuge with the armies of Germany or to embrace the statue of Augustus in the Forum at a time when it was most frequented and to implore the assistance of the senate and of the people. Mother and son rejected these suggestions, nevertheless, they were accused of entertaining them.
LXVIII.
Iunio Silano et Silio Nerva consulibus foedum anni principium incessit tracto in carcerem inlustri equite Romano Titio Sabino ob amicitiam Germanici: neque enim omiserat coniugem liberosque eius percolere, sectator domi, comes in publico, post tot clientes unus eoque apud bonos laudatus et gravis iniquis. hunc Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petilius Rufus, M. Opsius praetura functi adgrediuntur, cupidine consulatus ad quem non nisi per Seianum aditus; neque Seiani voluntas nisi scelere quaerebatur. compositum inter ipsos ut Latiaris, qui modico usu Sabinum contingebat, strueret dolum, ceteri testes adessent, deinde accusationem inciperent. igitur Latiaris iacere fortuitos primum sermones, mox laudare constantiam quod non, ut ceteri, florentis domus amicus adflictam deseruisset; simul honora de Germanico, Agrippinam miserans, disserebat. et postquam Sabinus, ut sunt molles in calamitate mortalium animi, effudit lacrimas, iunxit questus, audentius iam onerat Seianum, saevitiam, superbiam, spes eius; ne in Tiberium quidem convicio abstinet; iique sermones tamquam vetita miscuissent speciem artae amicitiae fecere. ac iam ultro Sabinus quaerere Latiarem, ventitare domum, dolores suos quasi ad fidissimum deferre.
68.
The year beginning with the consulship of Junius Silanus and Silius Nerva got off to a bad start because of the incarceration of Titus Sabinus, a knight of eminent standing. The reason for the charges was his devotion to Germanicus: he had never failed to show homage to his wife and children, to visit them regularly, and accompany them in public, the only one left of their many former clients. On this account, he was esteemed by all decent people as he was the bugbear of the malevolent. Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petilius Rufus, and Marcus Opsius, all former praetors, agreed to attack him, as the only way to attain the consulate they yearned after and to which one could only arrive through Sejanus, whose support was secured solely through crime. It was decided among them that Latiaris, who to some degree was known to Silanus, was to prepare the ambush and the rest would serve as witnesses and lay charges. Thus, Latiaris, upon accosting Sabinus and after some casual remarks, praised his constancy, saying that Sabinus, the friend of Germanicus’ family while it was at the peak of its prosperity, had not deserted it, like all others, in evil times. He spoke words of respect about Germanicus and also commiserated Agrippina. At that Sabinus shed bitter tears – so vulnerable is the heart of man in adversity – then went on to complain against Sejanus, attacking his cruelty, his arrogance, and his ambition, not even refraining from condemning Tiberius. This first encounter, in view of the forbidden sentiments that were exchanged, established the semblance of close fellowship, and now it was Sabinus who took the initiative of seeking Latiaris’ company and of visiting him in order, as it were, to confide his grief to an intimate friend.
LXIX.
Consultant quos memoravi quonam modo ea plurium auditu acciperentur. nam loco in quem coibatur servanda solitudinis facies; et si pone foris adsisterent, metus visus, sonitus aut forte ortae suspicionis erat. tectum inter et laquearia tres senatores haud minus turpi latebra quam detestanda fraude sese abstrudunt, foraminibus et rimis aurem admovent. interea Latiaris repertum in publico Sabinum, velut recens cognita narraturus, domum et in cubiculum trahit praeteritaque et instantia, quorum adfatim copia, ac novos terrores cumulat. eadem ille et s diutius, quanto maesta, ubi semel prorupere, difficilius reticentur. properata inde accusatio missisque ad Caesarem litteris ordinem fraudis suumque ipsi dedecus narravere. non alias magis anxia et pavens civitas, tegens adversum proximos; congressus, conloquia, notae ignotaeque aures vitari; etiam muta atque inanima, tectum et parietes circumspectabantur.
69.
The four senators decided among themselves on how to have Sabinus’ thoughts expressed within the hearing of more witnesses. The meeting place had to be such as to meet all the conditions of privacy. If one listened from behind a door, there might be danger of being seen or heard or of some chance occurrence that would betray one’s presence. So, the three senators in the plot beside Latiaris crawled into the space between the roof and the ceiling, a hiding place as ignoble as their villainous scheme, and placed their ears in holes and cracks. Meanwhile, Latiaris was able to find Sabinus in the streets and to lure him, on the excuse of having received something important to communicate, inside the room of his house selected for the plan. Once there, he talked about past and present events, of which there is always great abundance, and added also some new alarming developments. Sabinus gave vent again to his grief, this time even more than before, since anguish, once liberated, is difficult to silence. The accusers immediately preferred their charges and wrote to Tiberius, giving the details of their ambush and of their degrading role in it. Never before was Rome filled with such anxiety, citizens being forced to protect themselves against their nearest of kin. Nobody dared to meet anyone or engage in conversation; no ears were trusted, known, or unknown. Even mute and inanimate objects, nay, the very roofs and walls themselves became suspect.
LXX.
Sed Caesar sollemnia incipientis anni kalendis Ianuariis epistula precatus vertit in Sabinum, corruptos quosdam libertorum et petitum se arguens, ultionemque haud obscure poscebat. nec mora quin decerneretur; et trahebatur damnatus, quantum obducta veste et adstrictis faucibus niti poterat, clamitans sic inchoari annum, has Seiano victimas cadere. quo intendisset oculos, quo verba acciderent, fuga vastitas, deseri itinera fora. et quidam regrediebantur ostentabantque se rursum id ipsum paventes quod timuissent. quem enim diem vacuum poena ubi inter sacra et vota, quo tempore verbis etiam profanis abstineri mos esset, vincla et laqueus inducantur? non imprudentem Tiberium tantam invidiam adisse: quaesitum meditatumque, ne quid impedire credatur quo minus novi magistratus, quo modo delubra et altaria, sic carcerem recludant. secutae insuper litterae grates agentis quod hominem infensum rei publicae punivissent, adiecto trepidam sibi vitam, suspectas inimicorum insidias, nullo nominatim compellato; neque tamen dubitabatur in Neronem et Agrippinam intendi.
70.
Tiberius, however, in a letter he wrote on the kalends of January, soon after the customary formulas pertaining to the new year, turned his attention to Sabinus, accusing him of corrupting a number of his freedmen, of murderous designs on himself, and demanding retribution in no uncertain terms. The action was immediate: the doomed man was hustled to the place of execution, shouting –as loudly as the cloak thrown over his head and the rope around his neck allowed — that this was indeed the proper way to welcome the new year, this the sacrifice that would appease Sejanus. Wherever he directed his eyes and as far as his words could be heard there was nothing but flight followed by emptiness. Streets and public places became a desert. Some of those fleeing returned to let themselves be seen, terrified for having shown fear. Indeed, what day was without victims, people wondered, when on a day of vows and prayers, at a time when tradition demanded abstaining from even the slightest profanity, were chains and shackles ever seen? Not without design was Tiberius deliberately provoking such extremes of unpopularity. He wanted no one to believe that the new magistrates would hesitate to open the dungeons on the first day of the year just as they did the temples and the altars. Tiberius sent a second letter to the senate to express his gratitude for having rid the country of public danger. He added that his life was beset by anxieties and that he had reasons to fear new treacheries on the part of his enemies. He gave no names, but all knew that he alluded to Agrippina and Nero.