I.
Rubellio et Fufio consulibus, quorum utrique Geminus cognomentum erat, Iulia Augusta mortem obiit, aetate s extrema, nobilitatis per Claudiam familiam et adoptione Liviorum Iuliorumque clarissimae. primum ei matrimonium et liberi fuere cum Tiberio Nerone, qui bello Perusino profugus pace inter Sex. Pompeium ac triumviros pacta in urbem rediit. exim Caesar cupidine formae aufert marito, incertum an invitam, adeo properus ut ne spatio quidem ad enitendum dato penatibus suis gravidam induxerit. nullam posthac subolem edidit sed sanguini Augusti per coniunctionem Agrippinae et Germanici adnexa communis pronepotes habuit. sanctitate domus priscum ad morem, comis ultra quam antiquis feminis probatum, mater impotens, uxor facilis et cum artibus mariti, simulatione filii bene composita. funus eius modicum, testamen tum diu inritum fuit. Iaudata est pro rostris a G. Caesare pronepote qui mox rerum potitus est.
1.
Next year, under the consuls Lucius Rubellius and Gaius Fufius, both surnamed Geminus, Julia Augusta passed away at a very advanced age. Of the utmost nobility by birth in the Claudian and by adoption in the Livian and Julian families, she was first married to and had children with Tiberius Nero, who, exiled during the Perusine war, returned to Rome when peace was agreed between Sextus Pompeius and the triumvirs. Soon after, Caesar (later Augustus), charmed by her comeliness, took her from her husband (it is not certain whether that was done against her wishes) in such haste that he brought her to his house when she was with child, without allowing time for her confinement. There were no children from the new marriage, but the union between Agrippina and Germanicus formed a bond with the blood of Augustus, in that her great-grandchildren were at the same time also his. Her conduct as a wife and mother was irreprehensible and on the ancient model. She was more affable than was considered proper for women in older times. Domineering towards her children, she was submissive as a wife. Her temper accorded well with Augustus’ subtle ways and her son Tiberius’ secretiveness. Her funeral was modest and her testament went unheeded for a long time. The eulogy was delivered from the rostra in the Forum by her great-grandson Gaius Caesar, the future next emperor.
II.
At Tiberius, quod supremis in matrem officiis defuisset, nihil mutata amoenitate vitae, magnitudinem negotiorum per litteras excusavit honoresque memoriae eius ab senatu large decretos quasi per modestiam imminuit, paucis admodum receptis et addito ne caelestis religio decerneretur: sic ipsam maluisse. quin et parte eiusdem epistulae increpuit amicitias muliebris, Fufium consulem oblique perstringens. is gratia Augustae floruerat, aptus adliciendis feminarum animis, dicax idem et Tiberium acerbis facetiis inridere solitus quarum apud praepotentis in longum memoria est.
2.
But Tiberius had not attended his mother’s obsequies. Without altering in the least his life of pleasure, in a letter he adduced pressing commitments as an excuse. Furthermore, in a show of modesty, he reduced to a few the many honors the senate had decreed to Augusta, adding that she was not to be deified, that being, he said, her own wish. In a part of his message, he even disapproved of the type of friendships women tend to form, a thrust aimed indirectly at the consul Fufius, who had prospered thanks to Augusta’s patronage, being quite adept at ingratiating himself to women. He had also a biting wit and the habit of poking fun at Tiberius, something that sticks a long time in the memory of despots.
III.
Ceterum ex eo praerupta iam et urgens dominatio: nam incolumi Augusta erat adhuc perfugium, quia Tiberio inveteratum erga matrem obsequium neque Seianus audebat auctoritati parentis antire: tunc velut frenis exoluti proruperunt missaeque in Agrippinam ac Neronem litterae quas pridem adlatas et cohibitas ab Augusta credidit vulgus: haud enim multum post mortem eius recitatae sunt. verba inerant quaesita asperitate: sed non arma, non rerum novarum studium, amores iuvenum et impudicitiam nepoti obiectabat. in nurum ne id quidem confingere ausus, adrogantiam oris et contumacem animum incusavit, magno senatus pavore ac silentio, donec pauci quis nulla ex honesto spes (et publica mala singulis in occasionem gratiae trahuntur) ut referretur postulavere, promptissimo Cotta Messalino cum atroci sententia. sed aliis a primoribus maximeque a magistratibus trepidahatur: quippe Tiberius etsi infense invectus cetera ambigua reliquerat.
3.
At any rate, Augusta’s death was the start of an oppressive phase in Tiberius’ autocratic regime. While she lived there was still some protection, since her son had a congenital submission to his mother and Sejanus would not venture beyond her authority. Now, as if the reins were let loose, they broke away out of control. A letter against Agrippina and Nero, which according to many had been despatched much earlier and had been held back by Augusta, was in fact read in the senate soon after her death. It contained words of calculated ferocity, not about armed revolt or subversive schemes, but about the immoral behavior and forbidden loves of Nero and Drusus. Against his daughter-in-law not even these were made a charge, but arrogant language and a rebellious attitude were mentioned amid the fearful silence of the senate. At the end, some of the senators who entertained no hope from rectitude and saw opportunities for personal gain even from public ruin, demanded that a decision be put to the vote. Messalinus Cotta was already ahead of the rest with some extreme proposal. Other leading men, however, the magistrates in particular, hesitated in perplexity, the more so since Tiberius, regardless of his savage tirade, had left all else in doubt.
IV.
Fuit in senatu Iunius Rusticus, componendis patrum actis delectus a Caesare eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus. is fatali quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationem inciperent; disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni. simul populus effgies Agrippinae ac Neronis gerens circumsistit curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil triste illo die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictae in Seianum sententiae, exercentibus plerisque per occultum atque eo procacius libidinem ingeniorum. unde illi ira violentior et materies criminandi: spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, descivisse populum; audiri lam et legi novas contiones, nova patrum consulta: quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum imagines pro vexillis secuti forent, duces imperatoresque deligerent?
4.
Junius Rusticus, a member of the senate, having been chosen by the emperor to record the debates of the assembly, was held to have a special insight into the inner workings of Tiberius’ mind. He had never before distinguished himself for his bravery, but now, as if prodded by some inescapable impulse or by some incongruous intuition that made him forget the immediate present and tremble at the uncertain future, he joined those who were hesitating and urged the consuls not to open the debate. He contended that circumstances of little import could affect vital issues, that the ruin of the house of Germanicus might be one day regretted by the old prince. Meanwhile, the populace, carrying the images of Agrippina and Nero, encircled the curia and, while they acclaimed Tiberius, they also clamored that the letter was forged and that the downfall of the emperor’s own house was plotted against his express wishes. Thus, no ruinous resolution was passed that day. Also, speeches contrived to censure Sejanus were being circulated, attributed to senators of consular rank. It was in this way that anonymous authors expressed by secret means – therefore with grater license – the desires they cherished in their minds. The outcome of this was greater anger on Sejanus’ part and fresh material for accusations. He claimed that the senate was ignoring the suffering of the prince, that the populace was already in revolt and mutinous speeches and subversive decrees were read or listened to. What was left, he asked, if not that they should take up arms and choose as leaders and emperors those whose images they were already following as their standards?
V.
Igitur Caesar repetitis adversum nepotem et nurum probris increpitaque per edictum plebe, questus apud patres quod fraude unius senatoris imperatoria maiestas elusa publice foret, integra tamen sibi cuncta postulavit. nec ultra deliberatum quo minus non quidem extrema decernerent (id enim vetitum), sed paratos ad ultionem vi principis impediri testarentur . . . . . . . . .
5.
Tiberius repeated his recriminations against his grandson and his daughter-in-law, reproved the populace in an edict, and complained to the senate that through the perfidy of one of their members the majesty of the emperor had been affronted. Yet he demanded that the entire matter be left to his decision and that no further deliberation was required. Consequently, the senate did not move on to pronounce the extreme penalty (which was not in their power to do), but limited themselves to affirm their determination to avenge the emperor, had not the prince’s power stayed their hand . . . . . . .