XI.
Namque antea profectis domo regibus ac mox magistratibus, ne urbs sine imperio foret in tempus deligebatur qui ius redderet ac subitis mederetur; feruntque ab Romulo Dentrem Romulium, post ab Tullo Hostilio Numam Marcium et ab Tarquinio Superbo Spurium Lucretium impositos. dein consules mandabant; duratque simulacrum quoties ob ferias Latinas praeficitur qui consulare munus usurpet. ceterum Augustus bellis civilibus Cilnium Maecenatem equestris ordinis cunctis apud Romam atque Italiam praeposuit: mox rerum potitus ob magnitudinem populi ac tarda legum auxilia sumpsit e consularibus qui coerceret servitia et quod civium audacia turbidum, nisi vim metuat. primusque Messala Corvinus eam potestatem et paucos intra dies finem accepit quasi nescius exercendi; tum Taurus Statilius, quamquam provecta aetate, egregie toleravit; dein Piso viginti per annos pariter probatus publico funere ex decreto senatus celebratus est.
11.
In former days, in fact, when the kings and the consuls absented themselves from Rome, to avoid leaving the city without government someone was chosen who would administer justice and deal with unforeseen situations. It is told that such a task was entrusted by Romulus to Denter Romulius, later by Tullius Ostilius to Numa Marcius, and by Tarquinius Superbus to Spurius Lucretius. Then the choice was left to the consuls and a semblance of that still lingers on the occasion of the Latin festival, when a magistrate is selected to take the place of the consul. During the civil war, Augustus placed Rome and the whole of Italy in the hands of Cilnius Maecenas, a member of the equestrian order, and when he became master of the world, on account of the vast size of the population and the tardiness in the implementation of the laws, he placed one of the consular men in control of the slaves and of that share of the citizenry that is prone to cause trouble and can only be controlled by force. The first assigned to that post was Corvinus Messala, but he lasted only a few days, ostensibly incapable to carry out his duties. Then Taurus Statilius took his place with commendable proficiency in spite of his old age. Finally, Lucius Piso took over and remained in office for twenty years, equal in merit to Statilius. To honor his services, the senate decreed him a state funeral.
XII.
Relatum inde ad patres a Quintiliano tribuno plebei de libro Sibullae, quem Caninius Gallus quindecimvirum recipi inter ceteros eiusdem vatis et ea de re senatus consultum postulaverat. quo per discessionem facto misit litteras Caesar, modice tribunum increpans ignarum antiqui moris ob iuventam. Gallo exprobrabat quod scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus incerto auctore ante sententiam collegii, non, ut adsolet, lecto per magistros aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequentem senatum egisset. simul commonefecit, quia multa vana sub nomine celebri vulgabantur. sanxisse Augustum quem intra diem ad praetorem urbanum deferrentur neque habere privatim liceret. quod a maioribus quoque decretum erat post exustum sociali bello Capitolium, quaesitis Samo, Ilio, Erythris, per Africam etiam ac Siciliam et Italicas colonias carminibus Sibullae, una seu plures fuere, datoque sacerdotibus negotio quantum humana ope potuissent vera discernere. igitur tunc quoque notioni quindecimvirum is liber subicitur.
12.
Quintilianus, a tribune of the plebs submitted to the judgement of the senate a book of the Sibyl that Caninius Gallus, a member of the board of fifteen, had wanted included among the other books of the prophetess by means of a decree on the matter. The motion having passed without debate by simple division, a letter of Tiberius arrived taking to task, however leniently, the tribune “for his unfamiliarity with ancient custom ascribable to his youth”, but reproving Gallus severely in that he, despite his being well acquainted with the theory and practice of religion, had presented the matter for debate in a poorly attended session of the senate, without awaiting the consultation of his own college and having the verses read and commented on as the procedure required when the authenticity of the book was uncertain. At the same time, he reminded him, since many counterfeit texts were circulated under the Sibyl’s famous name, that Augustus had set a date by which the texts were to be submitted to the urban praetor and prohibiting their retention by private citizens. A similar decree had been issued by our forefathers during the social war, subsequent to the burning of the Capitol, when the verses of the Sibyl or Sibyls (there may have been more than one) were brought together for Samos. Ilium, Erythrea, even from across Africa, Sicily and the [Greek] colonies of Italy, and the priests were assigned the task of selecting, as far as it was humanly possible, what was authentic. Thus, the book of verses in question was in due manner referred to the College of Fifteen.
XIII.
Isdem consulibus gravitate annonae iuxta seditionem ventum multaque et pluris per dies in theatro licentius efflagitata quam solitum adversum imperatorem. quis commotus incusavit magistratus patresque quod non publica auctoritate populum coercuissent addiditque quibus ex provinciis et quanto maiorem quam Augustus rei frumentariae copiam advectaret. ita castigandae plebi compositum senatus consultum prisca severitate neque segnius consules edixere. silentium ipsius non civile, ut crediderat, sed in superbiam accipiebatur.
13.
Also, in the same year, a rise in the price of corn almost led to insurrection. During several days complaints and protests against the emperor were voiced in the theater with greater license than usual. Tiberius was shocked and rebuked the senate and the magistrates for not exercising their authority to curb the demonstrations. He gave a list of the provinces from which the grain provisions were imported and showed how much larger they were than those of Augustus. To reprimand the masses a decree of ancient severity was published by the senate. The consuls were equally rigorous in an edict of their own. Tiberius refrained from making a public pronouncement in the matter, hoping his silence would be interpreted as proof of his liberal spirit, but in fact it was seen as a sign of contemptuous pride.
XIV.
Fine anni Geminius, Celsus, Pompeius, equites Romani, cecidere coniurationis crimine; ex quis Geminius prodigentia opum ac mollitia vitae amicus Seiano, nihil ad serium. et Iulius Celsus tribunus in vinclis laxatam catenam et circumdatam in diversum tendens suam ipse cervicem perfregit. at Rubrio Fabato, tamquam desperatis rebus Romanis Parthorum ad misericordiam fugeret, custodes additi. sane is repertus apud fretum Siciliae retractusque per centurionem nullas probabilis causas longinquae peregrinationis adferebat: mansit tamen incolumis oblivione magis quam clementia.
14.
Accused of conspiracy against the state, the Roman knights Geminius, Celsus, and Pompeius were executed near the end of the year. Geminius had secured Sejanus’ friendship by his prodigality and love of pleasure, but had never been guilty of anything worse. Then the tribune Julius Celsus, having managed to slacken his chain while in prison, placed it around the head and broke his neck by straining in the opposite direction against the tether. In another case, guards were placed to watch Rubrius Fabatus, suspected of meditating flight to the clemency of the Parthians, in despair over the state of things in Rome. It is true that he was seen near the straight of Sicily and led back by a centurion to Rome, where, on being questioned, he could give no plausible answer as to the reason of such an extended journey. His life, however, was spared, more through forgetfulness than by being granted a pardon.
XV.
Ser. Galba L. Sulla consulibus diu quaesito quos neptibus suis maritos destinaret Caesar, postquam instabat virginum aetas, L. Cassium, M. Vinicium legit. Vinicio oppidanum genus: Calibus ortus, patre atque avo consularibus, cetera equestri familia erat, mitis ingenio et comptae facundiae. Cassius plebeii Romae generis, verum antiqui honoratique, et severa patris disciplina eductus facilitate saepius quam industria commendabatur. huic Drusillam, Vinicio Iuliam Germanico genitas coniungit superque ea re senatui scribit levi cum honore iuvenum. dein redditis absentiae causis admodum vagis flexit ad graviora et offensiones ob rem publicam coeptas, utque Macro praefectus tribunorumque et centurionum pauci secum introirent quoties curiam ingrederetur petivit. factoque large et sine praescriptione generis aut numeri senatus consulto ne tecta quidem urbis, adeo publicum consilium numquam adiit, deviis plerumque itineribus ambiens patriam et declinans.
15.
The following year, under the consuls Servius Galba and Lucius Sulla, Tiberius, after long vacillation about the husbands he should assign to his granddaughters, being aware that their age did not tolerate further delays, chose Lucius Cassius and Marcus Vicinius. The latter was of municipal origin, born at Cales, a man of affable temper and elegant speech. Though the son and grandson of men of consular rank, Vicinius’ family was equestrian. Cassius, native of Rome, came from an old and honored plebeian family. For all that he grew under the strictest paternal discipline, he was esteemed first for his accommodating nature and secondly for his enterprising spirit. Tiberius betrothed him to Drusilla and Vicinius to Julia, the two daughters of Germanicus, then informed the senate of his choice, adding a lukewarm eulogy of the young men. Next, after giving some very vague reasons for his absence from Rome, he moved on to graver matters, such as “the enmities he faced for the welfare of his country” and requested that Macro, the new prefect of the praetorian guards, with a few tribunes and centurions, should accompany him whenever he entered the senate house. Yet, even though the senate passed an elaborate decree (without, however, specifying the size and composition of the escort), Tiberius never even got near the roofs of the city, much less entered the senate assembly. He often would linger around his city of birth by hidden back alleys, then retreat.
XVI.
Interea magna vis accusatorum in eos inrupit qui pecunias faenore auctitabant adversum legem dictatoris Caesaris qua de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam caventur, omissam olim, quia privato usui bonum publicum postponitur. sane vetus urbi faenebre malum et seditionum discordiarumque creberrima causa eoque cohibebatur antiquis quoque et minus corruptis moribus. nam primo duodecim tabulis sanctum ne quis unciario faenore amplius exerceret, cum antea ex libidine locupletium agitaretur; dein rogatione tribunicia ad semuncias redactum, postremo vetita versura. multisque plebiscitis obviam itum fraudibus quae toties repressae miras per artes rursum oriebantur. sed tum Gracchus praetor, cui ea quaestio evenerat, multitudine periclitantium subactus rettulit ad senatum, trepidique patres (neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) veniam a principe petivere; et concedente annus in posterum sexque menses dati quis secundum iussa legis rationes familiaris quisque componerent.
16.
Also at this time, droves of accusers came down on those who were getting richer by practicing usury, an activity prohibited by the dictator Julius Caesar in a law regulating the limits of money lending and of the possession of land in Italy, a law then ignored for the usual reason that private interest always comes before the common good. Of course, usury is an ancient evil in Rome and a frequent cause of sedition and discord, thus kept in check even in the past, when society was less corrupt. The Twelve Tables first sanctioned that it was prohibited to demand an interest of more than one twelfth percent for a month (or one percent for a year), whereas previously it varied at the whim of the rich. Later, on the initiative of the people’s tribunes, it was reduced to half that amount and, in the end, lending at interest was completely banned. Violations were countered by repeated legislative measures, but they always found devious ways of resurfacing. At the present juncture, however, faced with the flood of accusations pouring in, as we mentioned, from all sides, the praetor Gracchus, to whose authority the problem had fallen for investigation, was forced by the vast number of the accused to refer the case to the senate. Greatly alarmed, the fathers, none of whom was free from guilt in the matter, implored the clemency of the prince, who granted one and a half year in which one was to regularize the state of his finances in accordance with the law.
XVII.
Hinc inopia rei nummariae, commoto simul omnium aere alieno, et quia tot damnatis bonisque eorum divenditis signatum argentum fisco vel aerario attinebatur. ad hoc senatus praescripserat, duas quisque faenoris partis in agris per Italiam conlocaret, [debitores totidem aeris alieni statim solverent]. sed creditores in solidum appellabant nec decorum appellatis minuere fidem. ita primo concursatio et preces, dein strepere praetoris tribunal, eaque quae remedio quaesita, venditio et emptio, in contrarium mutari quia faeneratores omnem pecuniam mercandis agris condiderant. copiam vendendi secuta vilitate, quanto quis obaeratior, aegrius distrahebant, multique fortunis provolvebantur; eversio rei familiaris dignitatem ac famam praeceps dabat, donec tulit opem Caesar disposito per mensas milies sestertio factaque mutuandi copia sine usuris per triennium, si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset. sic refecta fides et paulatim privati quoque creditores reperti. neque emptio agrorum exercita ad formam senatus consulti, acribus, ut ferme talia, initiis, incurioso fine.
17.
Money in consequence became scarce: all loans were reclaimed at the same time and because of the high number of men found guilty and the consequent sale of expropriated estates, money ended up out of circulation, either in the public or in the imperial treasury. As a corrective, the senate prescribed that creditors must invest two thirds of their loaned capital to buy land in Italy [and obliged debtors to redeem an equal fraction of their debt]. But the creditors demanded total reimbursement and the debtors were honor bound to comply. The outcome of this was a spurt of confused activity, urgent appeals to the money lenders, and great ado in the praetor’s court. The remedy envisaged by the senate decree, the sale and acquisition of land, proved to have the contrary effect, simply because the lenders hoarded the money, instead of circulating it, to buy more land [when it suited them]. The glut of land for sale was accompanied by a drastic fall of the value of the land, and the more one was pressed by debt the more difficult it became for him to sell and pay what he owed. Many lost their properties and with them their status and reputation. In the end, Tiberius intervened, making available through special banks a hundred million sesterces, opening access to three-year loans without interest, provided security was given to the state in land worth twice the amount of the loan. In this way, credit became again available and in time private lenders reappeared. But the purchase of estates in the manner envisaged by the senate decree never occurred, initial enthusiasm, as usual, giving slowly way to apathy.
XVIII.
Dein redeunt priores metus postulato maiestatis Considio Proculo; qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque, et sorori eius Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio. is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praetendebat ut parta apud principem gratia periculis Pomponii Secundi fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium statuitur cuius maritum Argolicum socerum Laconem e primoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi interfecere. datum erat crimini quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset, quodque defuncto Theophani caelestis honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat.
18.
Then the old terrors returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus who, while peacefully celebrating his birthday was unceremoniously trundled to the senate house, tried, and executed on the instant. His sister Sancia was banned from Italy on charges brought by Quintus Pomponius, an unbalanced man who kept asserting that he engaged in this and similar acts to gain credit with the prince and thereby allay the dangers threatening his brother Pomponius Secundus. Also exiled was Pompeia Macrina, the wife and daughter-in-law respectively of Argolicus and Laco, both eminent men of Achaia, whom Tiberius had already crushed. In addition, her father, a Roman knight of high standing, and her brother, an ex-praetor, on perceiving that their doom was impending, had taken their own lives. The crime they were accused of was that Theophanes of Mitylene, their great-grandfather, had been closely associated with Pompey the Great and that after Theophanes’ death the Greeks, notorious for their servile flattery, had attributed divine honors to him.
XIX.
Post quos Sex. Marius Hispaniarum ditissimus defertur incestasse filiam et saxo Tarpeio deicitur. ac ne dubium haberetur magnitudinem pecuniae malo vertisse, aurariasque eius, quamquam publicarentur, sibimet Tiberius seposuit. inritatusque suppliciis cunctos qui carcere attinebantur accusati societatis cum Seiano necari iubet. iacuit immensa strages, omnis sexus, omnis aetas, inlustres ignobiles, dispersi aut aggerati. neque propinquis aut amicis adsistere, inlacrimare, ne visere quidem diutius dabatur, sed circumiecti custodes et in maerorem cuiusque intenti corpora putrefacta adsectabantur, dum in Tiberim traherentur ubi fluitantia aut ripis adpulsa non cremare quisquam, non contingere. interciderat sortis humanae commercium vi metus, quantumque saevitia glisceret, miseratio arcebatur.
19.
After the indictment of these people, it was the turn of Sestus Marius, the richest man of Spain, to be destroyed. Accused of incest with his daughter, he was thrown down the Tarpeian rock, and as if to demonstrate beyond doubt that Marius’ wealth was the real motive of his downfall, Tiberius made himself master of his copper and gold mines, though they were expropriated for the state. His thirst of blood whipped up by this string of executions, Tiberius now ordered the killing of all those held in prison accused of being accomplices of Sejanus. The slaughter was immense: the corpses lay on the ground, scattered or in mounds, without consideration of sex or age, whether noble or plebeian. Relations and friends were not permitted to approach them, shed tears over them, or even just gaze at them for long. Guards posted all around spied for signs of grief or escorted the decaying bodies being dragged to the Tiber, where the remains floated with the current or strayed to the banks with no one to cremate them or even to touch them. Fear had totally extinguished with its force the bonds of common humanity. The more brutality grew, the further piety retreated.
XX.
Sub idem tempus G. Caesar, discedenti Capreas avo comes, Claudiam, M. Silani filiam, coniugio accepit, immanem animum subdola modestia tegens, non damnatione matris, non exitio fratrum rupta voce; qualem diem Tiberius induisset, pari habitu, haud multum distantibus verbis. unde mox scitum Passieni oratoris dictum percrebuit neque meliorem umquam servum neque deteriorem dominum fuisse. Non omiserim praesagium Tiberii de Servio Galba tum consule; quem accitum et diversis sermonibus pertemptatum postremo Graecis verbis in hanc sententiam adlocutus ‘et tu, Galba, quandoque degustabis imperium,’ seram ac brevem potentiam significans, scientia Chaldaeorum artis, cuius apiscendae otium apud Rhodum, magistrum Thrasullum habuit, peritiam eius hoc modo expertus.
20.
This was also the year in which Claudia, the daughter of Marcus Silanus was given in marriage to Gaius Caesar, who had been his grandfather’s companion in his retreat to Capri. Under a façade of hypocritical modesty, he concealed a hideous nature: neither the sentencing of his mother nor the exile of his brother broke his silence; no matter what humor his grandfather chose to be in on any day, he would ape his behaviour and use almost the same words. This conduct is at the origin of Passienus’ famous quip, “that the world had never seen a better slave, nor a worst master’. I must not omit to mention here the presentiment Tiberius had concerning Servius Galba, the consul. Having sent for him, to probe his sentiments he engaged him in conversation and finally said in Greek: “You too, Galba, will someday have a taste of supreme power’, a reference to Galba’s late and brief empire. Tiberius had acquired the Chaldean art of reading the stars, having had as his instructor Thrasyllus during his retirement at Rhodes. Here is how he had acquired convincing evidence of the man’s abilities as a seer.