XLI.
Per idem tempus Cietarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant.
41.
During the sane time, the nation of the Cietae, subject to king Archelaus of Cappadocia, being required according to Roman usage to declare their assets and pay the tribute, withdrew to the higher slopes of the Mount Taurus range, where the nature of the terrain gave them security against the king’s unaggressive troops. The legate Trebellius, however, was sent by Lucius Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and the elite of the auxiliary forces to surround with siege works the two summits held by the rebels, the smaller called Cadra and the other Davara. Force was used against those effecting a sortie and the rest were compelled to surrender by thirst. Tiridates, meanwhile, with Parthian tacit assent, occupied Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and all the other cities — which, being founded by the Macedonians, had kept their Greek names — in addition to the Parthian cities of Halus and Artemita. The people vied with one another in showing their jubilation, as Artabanus with his Scythian upbringing was detested for his brutality and all hoped that Roman nursing had moulded Tiridates to be more humane.
XLII.
Plurimum adulationis Seleucenses induere, civitas potens, saepta muris neque in barbarum corrupta sed conditoris Seleuci retinens. trecenti opibus aut sapientia delecti ut senatus, sua populo vis. et quoties concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus: ubi dissensere, dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant, accitus in partem adversum omnis valescit. id nuper acciderat Artabano regnante, qui plebem primoribus tradidit ex suo usu: nam populi imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum dominatio regiae libidini propior est. tum adventantem Tiridaten extollunt veterum regum honoribus et quos recens aetas largius invenit; simul probra in Artabanum fundebant, materna origine Arsaciden, cetera degenerem. Tiridates rem Seleucensem populo permittit. mox consultans quonam die sollemnia regni capesseret, litteras Phraatis et Hieronis qui validissimas praefecturas obtinebant accipit, brevem moram precantium. placitumque opperiri viros praepollentis, atque interim Ctesiphon sedes imperii petita: sed ubi diem ex die prolatabant, multis coram et adprobantibus Surena patrio more Tiridaten insigni regio evinxit.
42.
The acclaim was greatest among the people of Seleucia, a powerful city encircled by walls, untouched by barbaric influences and maintaining alive the spirit of Seleucus, its founder. Three hundred citizens, distinguished by wealth and learning, form the senate, the people retaining their own share of power. Whenever the two orders acted in concord, Seleucia took no account of Parthia, but when minds were divided and aid was sought against the other side, the Parthians were called in to support one party or the other and they ended up dominating both. This had happened recently while Artabanus was king and had favored, for his own advantage, the aristocrats at the expense of the people, since popular government is the neighbor of liberty whereas oligarchy is the supremacy of a few, thus more akin to high-handed monarchy. On the arrival of Tiridates all the honors reserved for the kings of the past, along with other more elaborate invented in recent times, were lavished on him, while aspersion was heaped on Artabanus, an Arsacid only from the mother’s side and otherwise of base origin. Tiridates first entrusted the administration of Seleucia in the people’s hands, then was considering what date to choose for his coronation, when he received a message from Phraates and Hiero, the satraps of the two most powerful provinces, requesting a brief delay. He opted to wait in view of the applicants’ great influence and in the interim moved to Ctesiphon, the seat of the empire. As Phraates and Hiero kept deferring their coming, the Surena crowned Tiridates with the royal diadem, as tradition demanded, before the exultant multitude.
XLIII.
Ac si statim interiora ceterasque nationes petivisset, oppressa cunctantium dubitatio et omnes in unum cedebant: adsidendo castellum, in quod pecuniam et paelices Artabanus contulerat, dedit spatium exuendi pacta. nam Phraates et Hiero et si qui alii delectum capiendo diademati diem haut concelebraverant, pars metu, quidam invidia in Abdagaesen qui tum aula et novo rege potiebatur ad Artabanum vertere; isque in Hyrcanis repertus est, inluvie obsitus et alimenta arcu expediens. ac primo tamquam dolus pararetur territus, ubi data fides reddendae dominationi venisse, adlevatur animum et quae repentina mutatio exquirit. tum Hiero pueritiam Tiridatis increpat, neque penes Arsaciden imperium sed inane nomen apud imbellem externa mollitia, vim in Abdagaesis domo.
43.
If Tiridates had at once visited the other tribes in the interior of the country and thereby overcome the wavering of the undecided, all would have fallen into place and the empire into his hands. Instead, he besieged a fortress to which Artabanus had entrusted his treasury and his harem. This decision allowed time for the initial accord to be broken. Phraates and Hiero and all the others who had not participated in the celebrations of the king’s crowning, some out of fear and some out of envy towards Abdagaeses, the man who at this time behaved as if in control of the court and of the new king, now sided again with Artabanus, whom they traced among the Hyrcanians, covered in filth, and reduced to hunt with his bow to feed himself. At first he was frightened, suspecting treachery, but when sufficient assurance was given him that they had come to restore him to power, he regained courage and inquired about the reasons for such sudden change. Then Hiero poured out abuse on Tiridates, a mere stripling, exclaiming that the empire was no longer the purview of an Arsacid, but an empty title worn by an effeminate stranger, a product of Roman decadence, and that real power rested with Abdagaeses.
XLIV.
Sensit vetus regnandi falsos in amore odia non fingere. nec ultra moratus quam dum Scytharum auxilia conciret, pergit properus et praeveniens inimicorum astus, amicorum paenitentiam; neque exuerat paedorem ut vulgum miseratione adverteret. non fraus, non preces, nihil omissum quo ambiguos inliceret, prompti firmarentur. iamque multa manu propinqua Seleuciae adventabat, cum Tiridates simul fama atque ipso Artabano perculsus distrahi consiliis, iret contra an bellum cunctatione tractaret. quibus proelium et festinati casus placebant, disiectos et longinquitate itineris fessos ne animo quidem satis ad obsequium coaluisse disserunt, proditores nuper hostesque eius quem rursum foveant. verum Abdagaeses regrediendum in Mesopotamiam censebat, ut amne obiecto, Armeniis interim Elymaeisque et ceteris a tergo excitis, aucti copiis socialibus et quas dux Romanus misisset fortunam temptarent. ea sententia valuit, quia plurima auctoritas penes Abdagaesen et Tiridates ignavus ad pericula erat. sed fugae specie discessum; ac principio a gente Arabum facto ceteri domos abeunt vel in castra Artabani, donec Tiridates cum paucis in Syriam revectus pudore proditionis omnis exolvit.
44.
Being an old hand at governing, Artabanus understood that, however false the love of Hiero and the rest for him, their hatred was sincere. He remained only the time required to raise auxiliary troops in Scythia, then moved rapidly to stay ahead of his enemies’ machinations or of his friends’ change of mind. He had not even discarded his squalid attire to attract the commiseration of the people. He availed himself of deception and appeals, anything that would win over the hesitant or steady the decided. He was already nearing Seleucia with a strong force, while Tiridates, deeply worried by the news of Artabanus’ approach, then by his arrival, was still in doubt whether to march out against him or to draw out the war by temporizing. Those who were in favor of battle and of a rapid solution argued that the enemy, physically exhausted and disordered by the long march, had not yet even in thought sufficiently integrated into a disciplined army determined to fight for Artabanus, whom but yesterday they had betrayed and regarded as an enemy and now supported again. Yet, Abdagaeses was in favor of retreating to Mesopotamia and of trying their fortunes later, using the river Tigris as protection and relying on the help of the Armenians, of the Elymaeans, and of other nations, reinforced by the allies and the support of Rome. His advice prevailed, in view of his great influence and of Tiridates’ feebleness when confronted by danger. But their withdrawal had all the appearances of a flight. The Arabs were the first to disband and the others either regained their homes or joined Artabanus. In the end, Tiridates absolved everyone from the charge of defection by retreating with only a few supporters to Syria.
XLV.
Idem annus gravi igne urbem adficit, deusta parte circi quae Aventino contigua, ipsoque Aventino; quod damnum Caesar ad gloriam vertit exolutis domuum et insularum pretiis. milies sestertium in munificentia ea conlocatum, tanto acceptius in vulgum, quanto modicus privatis aedificationibus ne publice quidem nisi duo opera struxit, templum Augusto et scaenam Pompeiani theatri; eaque perfecta, contemptu ambitionis an per senectutem, haud dedicavit. sed aestimando cuiusque detrimento quattuor progeneri Caesaris, Cn. Domitius, Cassius Longinus, M. Vinicius, Rubellius Blandus delecti additusque nominatione consulum P. Petronius. et pro ingenio cuiusque quaesiti decretique in principem honores; quos omiserit receperitve in incerto fuit ob propinquum vitae finem. neque enim multo post supremi Tiberio consules, Cn. Acerronius C. Pontius, magistratum occepere, nimia iam potentia Macronis, qui gratiam G. Caesaris numquam sibi neglectam acrius in dies fovebat impuleratque post mortem Claudiae, quam nuptam ei rettuli, uxorem suam Enniam imitando amorem iuvenem inlicere pactoque matrimonii vincire, nihil abnuentem, dum dominationis apisceretur; nam etsi commotus ingenio simulationum tamen falsa in sinu avi perdidicerat.
45.
In the same year, Rome was devastated by a terrible fire, the area destroyed including the Circus Maximus and the adjoining Aventine hill. Tiberius acquired great credit from the tragedy by repaying the full value of the houses and apartment blocks lost. One hundred million sesterces were disbursed and this act of imperial munificence was all the more popular since Tiberius spent very little on building for himself. Even in the public sphere, his only two works were the temple of Augustus and a new stage for the theater of Pompey, neither of which he dedicated when construction was completed, probably to show he cared little for popularity or because he was too far gone in years. To assess the losses from the fire he chose a commission including the husbands of his four granddaughters, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Marcus Vinicius, and Gaius Rubellius Blandus to whom was added one more member, Publius Petronius, selected by the consuls. Several honors were proposed, depending on the inventiveness of the creators, and decreed to Tiberius. It is not on record which he accepted or refused, for his end was approaching. Not long after, the last consuls under him, Gnaeus Acerronius Proculus and Gaius Petronius Pontius, took office at a time when the power of Macro was exceeding all limits. He was then each day more intent on securing the friendship of Gaius Caesar, whose signs of favor he had always valued. After the death of Junia Claudilla — the first wife of Gaius, as I have previously related –- Macro had pressed his wife Ennia into seducing the young man by pretending to be enamoured of him and to bind him to herself by a promise of marriage. Gaius was not opposed to anything, provided it did not obstruct his path to the throne. Though by nature a slave to lust, he had mastered all the tricks of deceptiveness at his grandfather’s knees.
XLVI.
Gnarum hoc principi, eoque dubitavit de tradenda re publica, primum inter nepotes, quorum Druso genitus sanguine et caritate propior, sed nondum pubertatem ingressus, Germanici filio robur iuventae, vulgi studia, eaque apud avum odii causa. etiam de Claudio agitanti, quod is composita aetate bonarum artium cupiens erat, imminuta mens eius obstitit. sin extra domum successor quaereretur, ne memoria Augusti, ne nomen Caesarum in ludibria et contumelias verterent metuebat: quippe illi non perinde curae gratia praesentium quam in posteros ambitio. mox incertus animi, fesso corpore consilium cui impar erat fato permisit, iactis tamen vocibus per quas intellegeretur providus futurorum; namque Macroni non abdita ambage occidentem ab eo deseri, orientem spectari exprobravit, et G. Caesari, forte orto sermone L. Sullam inridenti, omnia Sullae vitia et nullam eiusdem virtutem habiturum praedixit. simul crebris cum lacrimis minorem ex nepotibus complexus, truci alterius vultu, ‘occides hunc tu’ inquit ‘et te alius.’ sed gravescente valetudine nihil e libidinibus omittebat, in patientia firmitudinem simulans solitusque eludere medicorum artes atque eos qui post tricesimum aetatis annum ad internoscenda corpori suo utilia vel noxia alieni consilii indigerent.
46.
Tiberius was quite aware of all this and therefore hesitated as to the choice of his successor. First he thought of his grandson, Drusus’ offspring, closest to his heart in blood, but who had not yet reached manhood. Gaius Caesar, Germanicus son, was in the flower of youth, loved by the people, hence disliked by his grandfather. He thought also of Claudius, a mature well-intentioned man, but his limited intellectual vigor was an obstacle. To look for a successor outside the family he did not dare, as it would entail the risk of delivering the memory of Augustus and the name of the Caesars to public ridicule and humiliation. Tiberius’ concern was not popularity among his contemporaries, but the approval of future generations. Soon, baffled, and exhausted, he abandoned to chance a decision he was unable to make. Yet, he let fall certain remarks that revealed his foresight of future events. For example, he reproached Macro with an allusion as clear as it can be that he was forsaking the setting to turn towards the rising sun. To Gaius Caesar who was scoffing at Sulla, who had come up in their talk, he said that he, Gaius, would have all of Sulla’s vices, but none of his qualities. After these words he embraced his grandson, Tiberius Gemellus, among many tears and, noticing the sinister expression on the other’s face he said: “You will kill him and another will kill you.” Though his health was taking a turn for the worse, he did not give up any of his forbidden pleasures, pretending health to show firmness in his suffering. He was in the habit of deriding physicians and their art and anyone above thirty years of age who still needed the advice of others to know what was healthy or detrimental to his own body.
XLVII.
Interim Romae futuris etiam post Tiberium caedibus semina iaciebantur. Laelius Balbus Acutiam, P. Vitellii quondam uxorem, maiestatis postulaverat; qua damnata cum praemium accusatori decerneretur, Iunius Otho tribunus plebei intercessit, unde illis odia, mox Othoni exitium. dein multorum amoribus famosa Albucilla, cui matrimonium cum Satrio Secundo coniurationis indice fuerat, defertur impietatis in principem; conectebantur ut conscii et adulteri eius Cn. Domitius, Vibius Marsus, L. Arruntius. de claritudine Domitii supra memoravi; Marsus quoque vetustis honoribus et inlustris studiis erat. sed testium interrogationi, tormentis servorum Macronem praesedisse commentarii ad senatum missi ferebant, nullaeque in eos imperatoris litterae suspicionem dabant, invalido ac fortasse ignaro ficta pleraque ob inimicitias Macronis notas in Arruntium.
47.
At Rome, in the interim, the seeds were sown of more bloodshed even after Tiberius. Acutia, the former wife of Publius Vitellius, was charged by Laelius Balbus of treason. After the sentence, as the reward due to the accuser was being decided, Junius Otho, the tribune of the plebs, interposed his veto: hence the long-standing bitter antagonism between these men, ending eventually with the exile of Otho. Soon after, Albucilla, known for her many lovers, and earlier married to Satrius Secundus, who had disclosed the conspiracy of Sejanus, was accused of disrespect towards the prince. Jointly involved in the accusation were Gnaeus Domitius, Vibius Marsus, and Lucius Arruntius, and charges were added of the adultery of these men with her. The prestigious lineage of Domitius I have already mentioned; Marsus was also famous for the ancient honors conferred on his house, and for his literary achievements. But the documents submitted to the senate clearly indicated that Macro had overseen both the interrogation of the witnesses and the torture of the slaves, and that the absence of any letter from the emperor was reason to suspect that, taking advantage of the emperor’s weakness, who probably knew nothing of the trial, Macro had concocted much of the evidence, by reason of his well-known hatred of Arruntius.
XLVIII.
Igitur Domitius defensionem meditans, Marsus tamquam inediam destinavisset, produxere vitam: Arruntius, cunctationem et moras suadentibus amicis, non eadem omnibus decora respondit: sibi satis aetatis neque aliud paenitendum quam quod inter ludibria et pericula anxiam senectam toleravisset, diu Seiano, nunc Macroni, semper alicui potentium invisus, non culpa sed ut flagitiorum impatiens. sane paucos ad suprema principis dies posse vitari: quem ad modum evasurum imminentis iuventam? an, cum Tiberius post tantam rerum experientiam vi dominationis convulsus et mutatus sit, G. Caesarem vix finita pueritia, ignarum omnium aut pessimis innutritum, meliora capessiturum Macrone duce, qui ut deterior ad opprimendum Seianum delectus plura per scelera rem publicam conflictavisset? prospectare iam se acrius servitium eoque fugere simul acta et instantia. haec vatis in modum dictitans venas resolvit. documento sequentia erunt bene Arruntium morte usum. Albucilla inrito ictu ab semet vulnerata iussu senatus in carcerem fertur. stuprorum eius ministri, Carsidius Sacerdos praetorius ut in insulam deportaretur, Pontius Fregellanus amitteret ordinem senatorium, et eaedem poenae in Laelium Balbum decernuntur, id quidem a laetantibus, quia Balbus truci eloquentia habebatur, promptus adversum insontis.
48.
Domitius and Marsus, therefore, went on with their lives, the one preparing his defense, the other seemingly letting himself die of hunger. As to Arruntius, in answer to his friends’ advice that he should have patience and wait, he would reply that not all men had the same concept of dignity. He had lived enough and did nor regret anything other than having allowed, among affronts and perils, the anxieties of old age to drag on too long. First to Sejanus, then to Macro, he was always hateful to someone in a position of power, not on account of any faults of his, but because he would not tolerate their infamies in silence. He probably could survive the last days of Tiberius, but how was he to escape the youth of his successor? Did they think, after seeing Tiberius’ personality, despite his vast experience of government, swayed and distorted by the force of unlimited power, that Gaius Caesar, hardly older than a boy, totally new to his office and schooled by the worst of men, would be a better ruler under the guidance of a Macro, a man more wicked than Sejanus and for that reason chosen to destroy him, who had already oppressed the state by crimes more numerous than those of Sejanus? He, Arruntius, was now faced with a slavery more unbearable than before and in consequence he was seeking relief from the trials of the past and the equally dark prospects of the future. As he spoke these prophetic words, he cut his veins. What followed is bound to prove that Arruntius had acted wisely in choosing death. Albucilla, who had stabbed herself with inadequate force, was conducted to prison on orders from the senate. Two of her lovers were punished, one, a former praetor, Carsidius Sacerdos, was deported to an island; the other, Pontius Fregellanus, lost his senatorial rank. To Laelius Balbus, both penalties were inflicted, deportation and ejection from the senate. That was done with great joy, for Balbus’ eloquence was lethal, and he used it with great energy against the innocent.
XLIX.
Isdem diebus Sex. Papinius consulari familia repentinum et informem exitum delegit, iacto in praeceps corpore. causa ad matrem referebatur, quae pridem repudiata adsentationibus atque luxu perpulisset iuvenem ad ea quorum effugium non nisi morte inveniret. igitur accusata in senatu, quamquam genua patrum advolveretur luctumque communem et magis imbecillum tali super casu feminarum animum aliaque in eundem dolorem maesta et miseranda diu ferret, urbe tamen in decem annos prohibita est, donec minor filius lubricum iuventae exiret.
49.
Also at this time, Sextus Papinius, from a consular family, gave himself a death both unexpected and horrible by plunging to the ground from up high. The blame fell on his mother, who, repudiated a long time before by her husband, had with lewd advances and seductive arts pushed the young man to commit acts from which there was no other redemption than death. Consequently, the mother was brought before the senate, where she threw herself at the feet of the fathers, pleading leniency. Yet, for all her urging consideration for the grief that anyone — especially the weak and foolish heart of a woman — must feel in the tragic loss of a son, and other sad and piteous pleas adduced in her long defense, she was banished from Rome for ten years, until the younger of her two sons should pass in age beyond the temptations of youth.
L.
Iam Tiberium corpus, iam vires, nondum dissimulatio deserebat: idem animi rigor; sermone ac vultu intentus quaesita interdum comitate quamvis manifestam defectionem tegebat. mutatisque saepius locis tandem apud promunturium Miseni consedit in villa cui L. Lucullus quondam dominus. illic eum adpropinquare supremis tali modo compertum. erat medicus arte insignis, nomine Charicles, non quidem regere valetudines principis solitus, consilii tamen copiam praebere. is velut propria ad negotia digrediens et per speciem officii manum complexus pulsum venarum attigit. neque fefellit: nam Tiberius, incertum an offensus tantoque magis iram premens, instaurari epulas iubet discumbitque ultra solitum, quasi honori abeuntis amici tribueret. Charicles tamen labi spiritum nec ultra biduum duraturum Macroni firmavit. inde cuncta conloquiis inter praesentis, nuntiis apud legatos et exercitus festinabantur. septimum decimum kal. Aprilis interclusa anima creditus est mortalitatem explevisse; et multo gratantum concursu ad capienda imperii primordia G. Caesar egrediebatur, cum repente adfertur redire Tiberio vocem ac visus vocarique qui recreandae defectioni cibum adferrent. pavor hinc in omnis, et ceteri passim dispergi, se quisque maestum aut nescium fingere; Caesar in silentium fixus a summa spe novissima expectabat. Macro intrepidus opprimi senem iniectu multae vestis iubet discedique ab limine. sic Tiberius finivit octavo et septuagesimo aetatis anno.
50.
Now all vital forces were deserting Tiberius, yet the will to dissimulate remained, as did his rigor of mind, the tight control of his speech and of the expression of his face. Sometimes he wanted to hide his obvious decline by a pretended sociability. After frequently changing his seat, in the end he chose to stay at Cape Misenum in a villa once owned by Lucius Lucullus. There, it was finally revealed that his end was approaching. It happened this way: Charicles, a distinguished doctor, was with him, not to look after his health, but to offer expert advice in case it was asked for. He, on pretense of leaving the prince to attend to business of his own, took Tiberius’ hand in sign of respect and felt his pulse. The act did not go unnoticed, for Tiberius, perhaps offended and therefore more eager to hide his anger, ordered the banquet to be resumed and he stayed longer than was usual with him, as if intending to honor the departure of a friend. Charicles, in any case, confirmed to Macro that Tiberius’ life was ebbing and that he would not last longer than two days. At once there was a flurry of activity: conferences and exchanges of views among those present, messengers speedily dispatched to the armies and the legates. He was believed to have died on the 16th of March, and Gaius Caesar, surrounded by a large crowd of well-wishers, was already leaving the villa to assume the first duties of the empire, when suddenly news came that Tiberius was again able to speak and to see and was calling for someone to bring him food to recover from his fainting spell. General panic followed and everyone scattered, each pretending sorrow or ignorance. Only Gaius remained, struck speechless, expecting to be utterly undone, after falling from the highest expectations. Macro alone kept his head: he ordered the servants to smother the old man under a pile of bedclothes and to exit the room. So died Tiberius at the age of seventy-eight.
LI.
Pater ei Nero et utrimque origo gentis Claudiae, quamquam mater in Liviam et mox Iuliam familiam adoptionibus transierit. casus prima ab infantia ancipites; nam proscriptum patrem exul secutus, ubi domum Augusti privignus introiit, multis aemulis conflictatus est, dum Marcellus et Agrippa, mox Gaius Luciusque Caesares viguere; etiam frater eius Drusus prosperiore civium amore erat. sed maxime in lubrico egit accepta in matrimonium Iulia, impudicitiam uxoris tolerans aut declinans. dein Rhodo regressus vacuos principis penatis duodecim annis, mox rei Romanae arbitrium tribus ferme et viginti obtinuit. morum quoque tempora illi diversa: egregium vita famaque quoad privatus vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit; occultum ac subdolum fingendis virtutibus donec Germanicus ac Drusus superfuere; idem inter bona malaque mixtus incolumi matre; intestabilis saevitia sed obtectis libidinibus dum Seianum dilexit timuitve: postremo in scelera simul ac dedecora prorupit postquam remoto pudore et metu suo tantum ingenio utebatur.
51.
Tiberius, the son of Nero, descended on both sides from the Claudian gens, even though his mother was successively adopted into the Livian and Julian family. Since his early infancy, he was at the mercy of whimsical fortune. He followed his proscribed father into exile, and when he passed into the imperial family as the stepson of Augustus, he had to endure the rivalry of numerous competitors such as Marcellus and Agrippa first, then as long as Gaius and Lucius were at the peak of their popularity. Even his brother Drusus enjoyed the favor of the people more than he did. Yet, his position became truly untenable with the marriage to Julia, forced as he was to suffer or to escape the infidelities of his wife. After his return from Rhodes, he became for twelve years sole heir in the childless imperial family, and was then master of the world for almost twenty-three years. His personality also underwent drastic changes: first came the period of blameless life and reputation while he was a private citizen or in command of armies under Augustus; then came the years of hypocrisy and cunning in feigning virtue so long as Drusus and Germanicus lived, followed by the mixture of good and evil until the death of the mother. Later, while he loved or feared Sejanus, he was hated for his cruelty, but his forbidden passions were yet kept hidden. In the end, came his total surrender to crime and infamy, when his true nature, following its bent, burst to the surface, free from the restraints of shame and fear.