XLI.
Missis ad Vitellium litteris auxilium postulat. venere tres cohortes cum ala Britannica, neque ad fallendum aptus numerus neque ad penetrandum. sed Valens ne in tanto quidem discrimine infamia caruit, quo minus rapere inlicitas voluptates adulteriisque ac stupris polluere hospitum domus crederetur: aderant vis et pecunia et ruentis fortunae novissima libido. adventu demum peditum equitumque pravitas consilii patuit, quia nec vadere per hostis tam parva manu poterat, etiam si fidissima foret, nec integram fidem attulerant; pudor tamen et praesentis ducis reverentia morabatur, haud diuturna vincla apud pavidos periculorum et dedecoris securos. eo metu cohortis Ariminum praemittit, alam tueri terga iubet: ipse paucis, quos adversa non mutaverant, comitantibus flexit in Vmbriam atque inde Etruriam, ubi cognito pugnae Cremonensis eventu non ignavum et, si provenisset, atrox consilium iniit, ut arreptis navibus in quamcumque partem Narbonensis provinciae egressus Gallias et exercitus et Germaniae gentis novumque bellum cieret.
41.
After sending a request to Vitellius for help, three cohorts arrived together with a cavalry unit from Britain, a force too large to pass unnoticed and too small to force a passage. Yet even in such a predicament did Valens’ conduct incur infamy for grasping at illicit pleasures and polluting the homes, where he was a guest, with adultery and rape. He had indeed the power to compel, money, and a novel kind of lust brought on by impending ruin. The advent at last of the infantry and cavalry made evident the ineptness of his plan, since he could not open a way through the enemy with such small force, even if these troops were fully devoted to the cause. But the loyalty these new arrivals had brought was far from unimpaired, yet shame and a certain awe in the general’s presence kept them in check, hardly durable ties in men shy of danger and indifferent to disgrace. Distrust of his men decided him to send the cohorts on to Ariminum and ordered the cavalry to protect their rear. He himself turned toward Umbria with the few men whose allegiance had not been swayed by the change of fortune. From there he moved on to Etruria, where, on receiving news of the battle for Cremona, he conceived a plan that showed daring and would have been dangerous had it succeeded. He intended to get hold of some ships and make a landing in any part of Gallia Narbonensis, then stir up all of Gaul and both the armies and nations of Germany to a new war.
XLII.
Digresso Valente trepidos, qui Ariminum tenebant, Cornelius Fuscus, admoto exercitu et missis per proxima litorum Liburnicis, terra marique circumvenit: occupantur plana Vmbriae et qua Picenus ager Hadria adluitur, omnisque Italia inter Vespasianum ac Vitellium Appennini iugis dividebatur. Fabius Valens e sinu Pisano segnitia maris aut adversante vento portum Herculis Monoeci depellitur. haud procul inde agebat Marius Maturus Alpium maritimarum procurator, fidus Vitellio, cuius sacramentum cunctis circa hostilibus nondum exuerat. is Valentem comiter exceptum, ne Galliam Narbonensem temere ingrederetur, monendo terruit; simul ceterorum fides metu infracta.
42.
After Valens went his separate way, Cornelius Fuscus brought up troops, positioned agile men-of-war along the coast near Ariminum, and thus blockaded by land and sea the Vitellian garrison holding the town, already demoralized [by their general’s departure].The plains of Umbria were also occupied, together with the districts of Picenum facing the Adriatic sea. All of Italy was now divided between Vitellius and Vespasian by the Apennine chain of mountains. Fabius Valens sailed from the seaport of Pisa, but was forced by either a dead calm or contrary winds to come to shore at Hercules Monoecus, near the place where Marius Maturus, procurator for the Maritime Alps, was stationed. A supporter of Vitellius, he had not yet abjured his allegiance to him, though all around him had gone over to Vespasian. He received Valens in a friendly manner, but dissuaded him in the strongest terms from venturing into Gallia Narbonensis. Fear now sapped the constancy of Valens’ companions.
XLIII.
Namque circumiectas civitates procurator Valerius Paulinus, strenuus militiae et Vespasiano ante fortunam amicus, in verba eius adegerat; concitisque omnibus, qui exauctorati a Vitellio bellum sponte sumebant, Foroiuliensem coloniam, claustra maris, praesidio tuebatur, eo gravior auctor, quod Paulino patria Forum Iulii et honos apud praetorianos, quorum quondam tribunus fuerat, ipsique pagani favore municipali et futurae potentiae spe iuvare partis adnitebantur. quae ut paratu firma et aucta rumore apud varios Vitellianorum animos increbruere, Fabius Valens cum quattuor speculatoribus et tribus amicis, totidem centurionibus, ad navis regreditur; Maturo ceterisque remanere et in verba Vespasiani adigi volentibus fuit. ceterum ut mare tutius Valenti quam litora aut urbes, ita futuri ambiguus et magis quid vitaret quam cui fideret certus, adversa tempestate Stoechadas Massiliensium insulas adfertur. ibi eum missae a Paulino Liburnicae oppressere.
43.
The reason of these alarms was that Valerius Paulinus, a very capable soldier and Vespasian’s friend even before his rise to power, had prevailed upon the neighboring communities to join the Flavian cause. He mustered up the veterans previously discharged by Vitellius, who all willingly took up arms again, and manned a garrison to protect the colony of Forum Julii, which had command of the sea. Paulinus’ suggestions carried weight since Forum Julii was his birthplace; he had the respect of the Praetorian Guard, whose tribune he had once been, and the local people, out of preference for one of their own and hope of future patronage, did their utmost to assist the party. These developments, of real importance in themselves but made more formidable by rumor, were having an even greater effect on the irresolute Vitellians. Fabius Valens decided to retreat to his ships and was accompanied by four bodyguards, three friends, and as many centurions. The others, including Maturus, opted for staying and going over to Vespasian. But, if the sea was safer in Valens’ eyes than the shore and the towns, still he was no less uncertain of the future and could see more clearly what to avoid than whom to trust. Driven by a storm to the Stoechades iles off the coast near Marseille, there the light galleys sent out by Paulinus caught him unawares.
XLIV.
Capto Valente cuncta ad victoris opes conversa, initio per Hispaniam a prima Adiutrice legione orto, quae memoria Othonis infensa Vitellio decimam quoque ac sextam traxit. nec Galliae cunctabantur. et Britanniam inditus erga Vespasianum favor, quod illic secundae legioni a Claudio praepositus et bello clarus egerat, non sine motu adiunxit ceterarum, in quibus plerique centuriones ac milites a Vitellio provecti expertum iam principem anxii mutabant.
44.
With the capture of Valens every part of the empire aligned itself with the victor. The signal was given in Spain by the First legion Adiutrix, whose memories of Otho made hostile to Vitellius. Its example was followed by the Tenth and Sixth legions, nor were the Gallic provinces far behind. In Britain favor inclined to Vespasian, because he had been appointed commander of the Second legion there by Claudius and had distinguished himself in combat. This won over the island to his side, though not without resistance from the other legions, in which many centurions and soldiers owed their advancement to Vitellius and were reluctant to accept a new prince for the one they knew well.
XLV.
Ea discordia et crebris belli civilis rumoribus Britanni sustulere animos auctore Venutio, qui super insitam ferociam et Romani nominis odium propriis in Cartimanduam reginam stimulis accendebatur. Cartimandua Brigantibus imperitabat, pollens nobilitate; et auxerat potentiam, postquam capto per dolum rege Carataco instruxisse triumphum Claudii Caesaris videbatur. inde opes et rerum secundarum luxus: spreto Venutio (is fuit maritus) armigerum eius Vellocatum in matrimonium regnumque accepit. concussa statim flagitio domus: pro marito studia civitatis, pro adultero libido reginae et saevitia. igitur Venutius accitis auxiliis, simul ipsorum Brigantum defectione in extremum discrimen Cartimanduam adduxit. tum petita a Romanis praesidia. et cohortes alaeque nostrae variis proeliis, exemere tamen periculo reginam; regnum Venutio, bellum nobis relictum.
45.
In the wake of these dissentions within the Roman army and of persistent reports of civil strife, the Britons grew bolder, spurred on by Venutius, who, apart from his innate fierceness and deep hatred of of the Roman name, was fired by implacable rancor against Queen Cartimandua. She ruled over the Brigantes by virtue of her nobility and had later – following the treacherous capture of King Caratacus – bolstered her power by being seen as having contributed much luster to Claudius Caesar’s triumph. From this came opulence and the wanton abuse of prosperity. Spurning Venutius, who was her husband, she chose one Vellocatus, his armor-bearer, and shared with him her bed and her kingdom. The scandal at once rocked her house to its foundations. The husband had the affection of the people, the adulterer the queen’s lust and savage temper. Venutius, therefore, summoned outside forces to his aid and because in the meantime the Brigantes themselves had revolted, was able to place Cartimandua in an extremely hazardous situation. Upon this, she turned to the Romans for protection, and in fact our infantry and cavalry rescued her from danger. The throne was left in Venutius’ hands, the war on ours.
XLVI.
Turbata per eosdem dies Germania, et socordia ducum, seditione legionum, externa vi, perfidia sociali prope adflicta Romana res. id bellum cum causis et eventibus (etenim longius provectum est) mox memorabimus. mota et Dacorum gens numquam fida, tunc sine metu, abducto e Moesia exercitu. sed prima rerum quieti speculabantur: ubi flagrare Italiam bello, cuncta in vicem hostilia accepere, expugnatis cohortium alarumque hibernis utraque Danuvii ripa potiebantur. iamque castra legionum excindere parabant, ni Mucianus sextam legionem opposuisset, Cremonensis victoriae gnarus, ac ne externa moles utrimque ingrueret, si Dacus Germanusque diversi inrupissent. adfuit, ut saepe alias, fortuna populi Romani, quae Mucianum virisque Orientis illuc tulit, et quod Cremonae interim transegimus. Fonteius Agrippa ex Asia (pro consule eam provinciam annuo imperio tenuerat) Moesiae praepositus est, additis copiis e Vitelliano exercitu, quem spargi per provincias et externo bello inligari pars consilii pacisque erat.
46.
During this time there were problems also in Germany: the generals’ incompetence, the mutinous spirit of the legions, the external pressure on the empire, and the perfidy of our allies almost brought Roman power to its knees. I shall return to this war, to its causes and consequences, at a later date, for indeed it was a long struggle. The Dacians also became restless: always an unreliable people, now they had nothing to fear, since the Moesian army had been withdrawn. At first they watched quietly as events began to unfold, but when it became clear that Italy was ablaze with war and the whole empire in conflict with itself, they took by storm the winter quarters of the [auxiliary] infantry and cavalry and thereby secured a hold on both banks of the Danube. Then they were making ready to destroy the camp of the legions, if Mucianus had not interposed the Sixth legion. He knew of the victory at Cremona, so his aim now was to prevent barbarian hordes from breaking through at both ends of the empire, should the Dacians and the Germans invade from opposite directions. What saved us, as on many other occasions before, was the good fortune of the Roman people, which led Mucianus and the forces of the east to the right place, and also the fact that in the meantime we settled our disputes at Cremona. Fronteius Agrippa was transferred from Asia, which he had governed as proconsul for a year, to take charge of Moesia, where he was given additional forces coming from the former Vitellian army. This was part of the peace plan to spread the Vitellian troops throughout the provinces and to involve them in foreign wars.
XLVII.
Nec ceterae nationes silebant. subita per Pontum arma barbarum mancipium, regiae quondam classis praefectus, moverat. is fuit Anicetus Polemonis libertus, praepotens olim, et postquam regnum in formam provinciae verterat, mutationis impatiens. igitur Vitellii nomine adscitis gentibus, quae Pontum accolunt, corrupto in spem rapinarum egentissimo quoque, haud temnendae manus ductor, Trapezuntem vetusta fama civitatem, a Graecis in extremo Ponticae orae conditam, subitus inrupit. caesa ibi cohors, regium auxilium olim; mox donati civitate Romana signa armaque in nostrum modum, desidiam licentiamque Graecorum retinebant. classi quoque faces intulit, vacuo mari eludens, quia lectissimas Liburnicarum omnemque militem Mucianus Byzantium adegerat: quin et barbari contemptim vagabantur, fabricatis repente navibus. camaras vocant, artis lateribus latam alvum sine vinculo aeris aut ferri conexam; et tumido mari, prout fluctus attollitur, summa navium tabulis augent, donec in modum tecti claudantur. sic inter undas volvuntur, pari utrimque prora et mutabili remigio, quando hinc vel illinc adpellere indiscretum et innoxium est.
47.
Nor were the other nations any quieter. In Pontus, a despicable creature, formerly the prefect of the royal fleet, had provoked a sudden armed insurrection across the region. He was one Anicetus, a freedman of Polemon and once a very powerful man, who, after the kingdom was transformed into a Roman province, was so resentful of the change that in Vitellius’ name called to arms the tribes of Pontus, even seducing the poorest among the people with hopes of plunder. Then, in command of a force by no means negligeable, he made a surprise attack on Trapezus, a city of ancient renown founded by the Greeks at the far end of the coast of Pontus. There he massacred a cohort that once ensured the protection of the king and which later, on being granted Roman status, had taken as its own Roman standards and equipment, but retained the lazy and permissive habits of the Greeks. He also set fire to the fleet, eluding capture at will in the now empty sea, since Mucianus had taken all the best galleys and all the troops to Byzantium. What’s more, these barbarians brazenly scoured the sea in hastily made crafts called camarae, which have narrow sides and a wide bottom assembled without use of bronze or iron ties. In rough seas, depending on the height of the waves, they raise the bulwarks of the ships with planks until they have a kind of roof over their heads. In this way they roll safely amid the waves and by having a prow at either end and the ability to row this or the other way, they can move freely about with ease and without danger.
XLVIII.
Advertit ea res Vespasiani animum ut vexillarios e legionibus ducemque Virdium Geminum spectatae militiae deligeret. ille incompositum et praedae cupidine vagum hostem adortus coegit in navis; effectisque raptim Liburnicis adsequitur Anicetum in ostio fluminis Chobi, tutum sub Sedochezorum regis auxilio, quem pecunia donisque ad societatem perpulerat. ac primo rex minis armisque supplicem tueri: postquam merces proditionis aut bellum ostendebatur, fluxa, ut est barbaris, fide pactus Aniceti exitium perfugas tradidit, belloque servili finis impositus. Laetum ea victoria Vespasianum, cunctis super vota fluentibus, Cremonensis proelii nuntius in Aegypto adsequitur. eo properantius Alexandriam pergit, ut fractos Vitellii exercitus urbemque externae opis indigam fame urgeret. namque et Africam, eodem latere sitam, terra marique invadere parabat, clausis annonae subsidiis inopiam ac discordiam hosti facturus.
48.
These troubles drew the notice of Vespasian and induced him to send a detachment of legionaries under the command of Virdius Geminus, an officer of tried military talent. He fell on the enemy when they least expected him and were scattered in search of loot, forcing them back to their ships. He had some swift galleys constructed in all haste and caught up with Anicetus at the mouth of the river Chobus. Here the fugitive was under the protection of the king of the Sedochesi, whom he had pressured through bribes and gifts into becoming his ally. At first the king shielded his suitor by threatening use of force, but on being given the choice between a reward for betraying Anicetus and outright war with Rome, his loyalty wavered, as is usually the case with barbarians. He consented to Anicetus’ doom, delivered up the other asylum seekers, and so put an end to this war with a [former] slave. Vespasian rejoiced over the victory and felt that everything was going better than expected. The news of the battle of Cremona reached him in Egypt and he hastened with even greater speed to Alexandria, with the aim to subject the broken armies of Vitellius and Rome itself – a city dependent on foreign resources – to the extremities of famine. For he was now preparing to invade also Africa, situated on the same side of the world, by land and by sea, determined to cause want and discord among the enemy by cutting off the food supplies.
XLIX.
Dum hac totius orbis nutatione fortuna imperii transit, Primus Antonius nequaquam pari innocentia post Cremonam agebat, satis factum bello ratus et cetera ex facili, seu felicitas in tali ingenio avaritiam superbiam ceteraque occulta mala patefecit. ut captam Italiam persultare, ut suas legiones colere; omnibus dictis factisque viam sibi ad potentiam struere. utque licentia militem imbueret interfectorum centurionum ordines legionibus offerebat. eo suffragio turbidissimus quisque delecti; nec miles in arbitrio ducum, sed duces militari violentia trahebantur. quae seditiosa et corrumpendae disciplinae mox in praedam vertebat, nihil adventantem Mucianum veritus, quod exitiosius erat quam Vespasianum sprevisse.
49.
While the fortunes of the empire were changing hands in this universal commotion, Primus Antonius was conducting himself after Cremona in a manner by no means as exemplary as before, either persuaded that he had done enough for the war or because, in a nature like his, success laid bare his avarice, arrogance, and all the other hidden flaws. He ranged over Italy as if it were a conquered nation, he pampered his legions as if they were his own, and with every word and action he carved out a path for himself to power. To encourage license among the troops, he allowed the legions to pick the replacements of the centurions killed in battle. The result was that the worst troublemakers among the men were chosen. The soldiers were no longer under the command of officers; it was rather the officers who were at the mercy of the soldiers’ violent whims. Antonius soon turned such seditious behaviour and disregard for discipline to his own profit, without fear of the approaching arrival of Mucianus. That was more damaging to him than having taken little notice of Vespasian himself.
L.
Ceterum propinqua hieme et umentibus Pado campis expeditum agmen incedere. signa aquilaeque victricium legionum, milites vulneribus aut aetate graves, plerique etiam integri Veronae relicti: sufficere cohortes alaeque et e legionibus lecti profligato iam bello videbantur. undecima legio sese adiunxerat, initio cunctata, sed prosperis rebus anxia quod defuisset; sex milia Dalmatarum, recens dilectus, comitabantur; ducebat Pompeius Silvanus consularis: vis consiliorum penes Annium Bassum legionis legatum. is Silvanum socordem bello et dies rerum verbis terentem specie obsequii regebat ad omniaque quae agenda forent quieta cum industria aderat. ad has copias e classicis Ravennatibus, legionariam militiam poscentibus, optimus quisque adsciti: classem Dalmatae supplevere. exercitus ducesque ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistunt, de summa rerum cunctantes, quod motas ex urbe praetorias cohortis audierant et teneri praesidiis Appenninum rebantur; et ipsos in regione bello attrita inopia et seditiosae militum voces terrebant, clavarium (donativi nomen est) flagitantium. nec pecuniam aut frumentum providerant, et festinatio atque aviditas praepediebant, dum quae accipi poterant rapiuntur.
50.
Leaving that aside for now, as winter was approaching and the plains were flooded by the Po, the Flavian army started moving without baggage. The main body of the victorious legions, the wounded and those weighed down by age, and even many fit soldiers were left at Verona. The auxiliary cohorts and the cavalry, with the elite of the legions, seemed sufficient now that the war was all but finished. The Eleventh legion had also tagged along: undecided at first, the Flavian success made them uneasy for not cooperating earlier. Six thousand Dalmatians, all new recruits, joined them. The force was led by the ex-consul Pompeius Silvanus, but actual power lay with Annius Bassus, the head of the legion. By appearing to submit to Silvanus, who was inept in war and wasted time for action in mere talk, Bassus in fact ruled over him and with quiet industry attended to everything that required attention. To the above forces were added the best men from the Ravenna fleet who applied for service in the legions. Their place on the ships was taken by Dalmatian sailors. The army and its chiefs halted at Fanum Fortunae, uncertain as to what strategy to adopt next, having heard that the Praetorian cohorts had left Rome and expecting that the Apennine passes were held by enemy posts. What also worried the leaders was the lack of supplies in a region wasted by war and the mutinous clamor of the soldiers demanding ‘hobnail’ money, as the donative is called. No provision had been made for either pay or food and reckless greed worsened their predicament, because the resources that could be available were being plundered.