LXI.
Nec multo post legiones venere. et terrore famaque aucti exercitus Vitellianae cohortes nutabant, nullo in bellum adhortante, multis ad transitionem, qui suas centurias turmasque tradere, donum victori et sibi in posterum gratiam, certabant. per eos cognitum est Interamnam proximis campis praesidio quadringentorum equitum teneri. missus extemplo Varus cum expedita manu paucos repugnantium interfecit; plures abiectis armis veniam petivere. quidam in castra refugi cuncta formidine implebant, augendo rumoribus virtutem copiasque hostium, quo amissi praesidii dedecus lenirent. nec ulla apud Vitellianos flagitii poena, et praemiis defectorum versa fides ac reliquum perfidiae certamen. crebra transfugia tribunorum centurionumque; nam gregarius miles induruerat pro Vitellio, donec Priscus et Alfenus desertis castris ad Vitellium regressi pudore proditionis cunctos exolverent.
61.
Not long after the legions arrived, and the Vitellian cohorts were unsettled by the alarming reports of the increase in strength in the opposing army. There was no one to urge them to fight, but many to incite desertion, all competing with one another in surrendering their units, be they infantry or cavalry, gifts as it were to the victor and assurance of future favor for themselves. From them it became known that Interamna in the nearby plain was held by a small garrison of four hundred mounted men. Varus, immediately sent with a force of light troops, killed a few who tried to resist and most of the rest threw down their arms and begged for mercy. Some who fled to the main camp spread terror everywhere by inflating in their telling the valor and the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, in an attempt to lessen the disgrace for abandoning their posts. Not only was there no penalty for cowardice in the Vitellian party, but the rewards accorded traitors [by the Flavians] subverted all devotion and the only competition left was in infamy. Desertion was widespread, especially among officers and centurions; the common soldier had stubbornly kept his faith to Vitellius. In the end, Priscus and Alvenus abandoned the camp and returned to Vitellius, thereby absolving the troops of any blame for quitting the fight.
LXII.
Isdem diebus Fabius Valens Vrbini in custodia interficitur. caput eius Vitellianis cohortibus ostentatum ne quam ultra spem foverent; nam pervasisse in Germanias Valentem et veteres illic novosque exercitus ciere credebant: visa caede in desperationem versi. et Flavianus exercitus immane quantum <aucto> animo exitium Valentis ut finem belli accepit. natus erat Valens Anagniae equestri familia. procax moribus neque absurdus ingenio ni famam urbanitatis per lasciviam peteret. ludicro Iuvenalium sub Nerone velut ex necessitate, mox sponte mimos actitavit, scite magis quam probe. legatus legionis et fovit Verginium et infamavit; Fonteium Capitonem corruptum, seu quia corrumpere nequiverat, interfecit: Galbae proditor, Vitellio fidus et aliorum perfidia inlustratus.
62.
During those same days Fabius Valens was executed in his prison at Urbinum. His head was shown to the Vitellian cohorts to discourage any further hope they might have, since it was believed that Valens had managed to reach the German provinces and that there he was mobilizing veteran and freshly recruited forces.The ghastly sight plunged the Vitellian troops into despair, but the Flavian army greeted Valens’ demise with incredible relief, as if the war had come to an end right there and then. Valens was born at Anagnia of an equestrian family. He was dissolute, yet not devoid of good sense, except that he sought repute for refinement in dissipation. Under Nero, at the Juvenalian Games, he acted in a farce, allegedly under compulsion at first, then willingly, with more talent than decency. As legion commander he curried favor with Verginius, and then discredited him. He murdered Fronteius Capito, whom he had corrupted or perhaps because he was unable to corrupt him. A traitor to Galba, but loyal to the end to Vitellius, he secured renown because others had chosen infamy.
LXIII.
Abrupta undique spe Vitellianus miles transiturus in partis, id quoque non sine decore, sed sub signis vexillisque in subiectos Narniae campos descendere. Flavianus exercitus, ut ad proelium intentus armatusque, densis circa viam ordinibus adstiterat. accepti in medium Vitelliani, et circumdatos Primus Antonius clementer adloquitur: pars Narniae, pars Interamnae subsistere iussi. relictae simul e victricibus legiones, neque quiescentibus graves et adversus contumaciam validae. non omisere per eos dies Primus ac Varus crebris nuntiis salutem et pecuniam et secreta Campaniae offerre Vitellio, si positis armis seque ac liberos suos Vespasiano permisisset. in eundem modum et Mucianus composuit epistulas; quibus plerumque fidere Vitellius ac de numero servorum, electione litorum loqui. tanta torpedo invaserat animum ut, si principem eum fuisse ceteri non meminissent, ipse oblivisceretur.
63.
All hopes of resistance being shattered on all sides, the Vitellian troops were prepared to change sides. Even in this they maintained their dignity by marching down to the plains below Narnia with their ensigns and standards flying. The Flavian army, drawn up in serried ranks and equipped as if for battle, had taken up position on both sides of the road. The Vitellians were received in the midst of the Flavian soldiery and, upon being surrounded, were addressed by Primus Antonius in a kindly manner. Half of them were ordered to stay at Narnia, half at Interamna. Part of the victorious legions were also left behind, a force not large enough to oppress the captured troops if peaceful, but strong enough to quell unrest. During this period Primus and Varus kept sending messages to Vitellius offering him safety, money, and a quiet retirement in Campania, if he lay down his arms and delivered up himself and his children to Vespasian. Mucianus also wrote in the same vein and Vitellius was generally disposed to trust these promises and spoke of the number of slaves that would accompany him and of the site on the seacoast he would choose for his retreat. Such apathy had stolen over him that, unless others reminded him that he had been emperor, he would forget it himself.
LXIV.
At primores civitatis Flavium Sabinum praefectum urbis secretis sermonibus incitabant, victoriae famaeque partem capesseret: esse illi proprium militem cohortium urbanarum, nec defuturas vigilum cohortis, servitia ipsorum, fortunam partium, et omnia prona victoribus: ne Antonio Varoque de gloria concederet. paucas Vitellio cohortis et maestis undique nuntiis trepidas; populi mobilem animum et, si ducem se praebuisset, easdem illas adulationes pro Vespasiano fore; ipsum Vitellium ne prosperis quidem parem, adeo ruentibus debilitatum. gratiam patrati belli penes eum qui urbem occupasset: id Sabino convenire ut imperium fratri reservaret, id Vespasiano ut ceteri post Sabinum haberentur.
64.
Meanwhile in Rome, a number of prominent citizens were secretly inciting Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, to exact his own share of victory and glory. They contended that he had his own troops, those of the urban cohorts. He could count also on the cohorts of the city police and on their own slaves, not to mention the good fortune of the Flavian party and the tendency of all things to go the victor’s way. He should not, [they said], cede his place in the sun to Antonius and Varus. Vitellius had few cohorts, demoralised by the flow of bad news from all directions. The mood of the people was fickle, and if a leader came forward they would flatter Vespasian just as they did Vitellius, who had shown himself incapable in prosperity and was now with more reason paralysed by disasters charging down on him. Gratitude for ending the war would go to the man able to seize the city. That was the role reserved for Sabinus, to preserve the empire for his brother, and for Vespasian to cherish Sabinus above all others.
LXV.
Haudquaquam erecto animo eas voces accipiebat, invalidus senecta; sed erant qui occultis suspicionibus incesserent, tamquam invidia et aemulatione fortunam fratris moraretur. namque Flavius Sabinus aetate prior privatis utriusque rebus auctoritate pecuniaque Vespasianum anteibat, et credebatur adfectam eius fidem parce iuvisse domo agrisque pignori acceptis; unde, quamquam manente in speciem concordia, offensarum operta metuebantur. melior interpretatio, mitem virum abhorrere a sanguine et caedibus, eoque crebris cum Vitellio sermonibus de pace ponendisque per condicionem armis agitare. saepe domi congressi, postremo in aede Apollinis, ut fama fuit, pepigere. verba vocesque duos testis habebant, Cluvium Rufum et Silium Italicum: vultus procul visentibus notabantur, Vitellii proiectus et degener, Sabinus non insultans et miseranti propior.
65.
Sabinus, enfeebled by age, listened to these proposals with apathy, yet there were some who still bedeviled him with obscure insinuations, hinting that he was trying to delay his brother’s good fortunes out of jealousy and rivalry. In fact, Sabinus was older than Vespasian and when both were simple private citizens he had the advantage of influence and wealth over his brother. It was believed he had been once somewhat reluctant to help Vespasian when the latter’s credit was impaired and had required Sabinus’ house and lands as security. Thus, regardless of the apparent concord existing between them, it was feared that some veiled resentment remained. There is a better explanation [for Sabinus’ passivity in the war]: this gentle man shrank in horror from bloodshed and butchery, and for that reason he had many talks with Vitellius about peace and the terms for laying down his arms. They often met in private and in the end they reached an understanding, so the rumor went, in the temple of Apollo. Two men witnessed their verbal agreement, Cluvius Rufus and Silius Italicus. Those who viewed them from afar marked the expression in their faces: Vitellius’ revealed undignified prostration, Sabinus’ was one of courteous regard bordering on compassion.
LXVI.
Quod si tam facile suorum mentis flexisset Vitellius, quam ipse cesserat, incruentam urbem Vespasiani exercitus intrasset. ceterum ut quisque Vitellio fidus, ita pacem et condiciones abnuebant, discrimen ac dedecus ostentantes et fidem in libidine victoris. nec tantam Vespasiano superbiam ut privatum Vitellium pateretur, ne victos quidem laturos: ita periculum ex misericordia. ipsum sane senem et prosperis adversisque satiatum, sed quod nomen, quem statum filio eius Germanico fore? nunc pecuniam et familiam et beatos Campaniae sinus promitti: set ubi imperium Vespasianus invaserit, non ipsi, non amicis eius, non denique exercitibus securitatem nisi extincto aemulo redituram. Fabium illis Valentem, captivum et casibus dubiis reservatum, praegravem fuisse, nedum Primus ac Fuscus et specimen partium Mucianus ullam in Vitellium nisi occidendi licentiam habeant. non a Caesare Pompeium, non ab Augusto Antonium incolumis relictos, nisi forte Vespasianus altiores spiritus gerat, Vitellii cliens, cum Vitellius collega Claudio foret. quin, ut censuram patris, ut tris consulatus, ut tot egregiae domus honores deceret, desperatione saltem in audaciam accingeretur. perstare militem, superesse studia populi; denique nihil atrocius eventurum quam in quod sponte ruant. moriendum victis, moriendum deditis: id solum referre, novissimum spiritum per ludibrium et contumelias effundant an per virtutem.
66.
If Vitellius had been able to change the attitude of his followers as easily as he had given way himself, Vespasian’s army would have entered Rome unstained by blood. But this was not to be, for the more loyal his supporters, the less willing they were to accept peace and conditional surrender. All emphasized the dangers and the disgrace of giving up and relying solely on the good pleasure of the victor. Vespasian, [they argued], was not confident enough to tolerate Vitellius as a common subject and neither would the Vitellian party permit it. So the conqueror would only reap danger by his mercy. He, Vitellius, was an old man tired of successes and reversals, but what name, what station would fall to his son Germanicus? For the moment he himself was promised money, a household, a charming retreat in Campania, but once Vespasian had power in his hands, neither he, nor his associates, nor ultimately the army would feel secure unless their rival were suppressed. To the Flavian leaders even Valens had been too much of a weight, although he was their captive, held as security in case things went wrong for Vespasian. Much less would Primus, Fuscus, and Mucianus –the incarnation of the party itself- have any other option in regard to Vitellius than to kill him. Caesar had not spared Pompey’s life and neither had Augustus that of Antony, unless perhaps Vespasian, this former client of a Vitellius when Vitellius’ father was the colleague of Claudius, carries in him a loftier spirit than Caesar and Augustus. Nay, why did he not rather – in despair if for no other reason – defy fortune with one bold move, as befitted his father’s censorship, his father’s triple consulate, and the great prestige of his house? The soldiers, [they urged], were still faithful to him; he still had the affection of the people. At all events, nothing worse would happen than what they were rushing towards willy-nilly. Die they must if beaten, die they must if they surrendered. One thing mattered, whether they would breathe their last being scoffed at and insulted or in a last valiant fight.
LXVII.
Surdae ad fortia consilia Vitellio aures: obruebatur animus miseratione curaque, ne pertinacibus armis minus placabilem victorem relinqueret coniugi ac liberis. erat illi et fessa aetate parens; quae tamen paucis ante diebus opportuna morte excidium domus praevenit, nihil principatu filii adsecuta nisi luctum et bonam famam. XV kalendas Ianuarias audita defectione legionis cohortiumque, quae se Narniae dediderant, pullo amictu Palatio degreditur, maesta circum familia; ferebatur lecticula parvulus filius velut in funebrem pompam: voces populi blandae et intempestivae, miles minaci silentio.
67.
ViItellius’ ears were deaf to all counsel that demanded fortitude. His mind was wholly preoccupied by his fond solicitude for his wife and children, afraid that his stubborn resistance might leave them in the hands of a victor less disposed to mercy. He also had a mother weighed down by years, but by an opportune death she was a few days ahead of her family’s ruin, having gained nothing from her son’s principate but sorrow and good fame. On the eighteenth of December, upon receiving news that his legions and cohorts had defected after their surrender at Narnia, he put on mourning garb and left the palace surrounded by his family. His infant son was carried in a tiny litter as if to his funeral. The people’s homage was flattering but untimely; the troops kept grimly silent.
LXVIII.
Nec quisquam adeo rerum humanarum immemor quem non commoveret illa facies, Romanum principem et generis humani paulo ante dominum relicta fortunae suae sede per populum, per urbem exire de imperio. nihil tale viderant, nihil audierant. repentina vis dictatorem Caesarem oppresserat, occultae Gaium insidiae, nox et ignotum rus fugam Neronis absconderant, Piso et Galba tamquam in acie cecidere: in sua contione Vitellius, inter suos milites, prospectantibus etiam feminis, pauca et praesenti maestitiae congruentia locutus–cedere se pacis et rei publicae causa, retinerent tantum memoriam sui fratremque et coniugem et innoxiam liberorum aetatem miserarentur–, simul filium protendens, modo singulis modo universis commendans, postremo fletu praepediente adsistenti consuli (Caecilius Simplex erat) exolutum a latere pugionem, velut ius necis vitaeque civium, reddebat. aspernante consule, reclamantibus qui in contione adstiterant, ut in aede Concordiae positurus insignia imperii domumque fratris petiturus discessit. maior hic clamor obsistentium penatibus privatis, in Palatium vocantium. interclusum aliud iter, idque solum quo in sacram viam pergeret patebat: tum consilii inops in Palatium redit.
68.
There was no one as oblivious of human vicissitudes as to remain unmoved by the sight of a Roman emperor, but yesterday still master of all mankind, forsaking the seat of his fortune and passing through the populace, through Rome, to renounce his power. Nothing of the kind had ever before been seen or heard. Sudden violence had suppressed Caesar, a secret plot Gaius, darkness and the mysterious countryside had concealed Nero’s flight, Piso and Galba fell, as it were, in battle. But it was in a general assembly of the people summoned by himself, surrounded by his own soldiers, in the presence even of women, that Vitellius spoke the few words, befitting the mournful occasion, with which he announced his abdication for the sake of peace and country. He told his audience he wished that they remembered him and took pity on his brother, on his wife, and on the innocent age of his chidren. As he spoke he held up his son, recommending him now to this and that person, now to the whole assembly. In the end, his voice choked by tears, he drew from his side a dagger and offered it, as the emblem of his power of life and death over the citizens, to the consul Caecilius Simplex, standing near him. The latter refused to take it, while the people present in the assembly cried out in loud protest. So Vitellius left the place, giving the impression he was going to deposit the imperial insignia in the temple of Concord, and from there go to his brother’s house. At this point the clamor grew louder, the crowd opposing his going to a private house and called him instead to the palace. All other routes were closed against him, the only one open led to the Sacred Way. Then, at a loss what else to do, he returned to the palace.
LXIX.
Praevenerat rumor eiurari ab eo imperium, scripseratque Flavius Sabinus cohortium tribunis ut militem cohiberent. igitur tamquam omnis res publica in Vespasiani sinum cecidisset, primores senatus et plerique equestris ordinis omnisque miles urbanus et vigiles domum Flavii Sabini complevere. illuc de studiis vulgi et minis Germanicarum cohortium adfertur. longius iam progressus erat quam ut regredi posset; et suo quisque metu, ne disiectos eoque minus validos Vitelliani consectarentur, cunctantem in arma impellebant: sed quod in eius modi rebus accidit, consilium ab omnibus datum est, periculum pauci sumpsere. circa lacum Fundani descendentibus qui Sabinum comitabantur armatis occurrunt promptissimi Vitellianorum. modicum ibi proelium improviso tumultu, sed prosperum Vitellianis fuit. Sabinus re trepida, quod tutissimum e praesentibus, arcem Capitolii insedit mixto milite et quibusdam senatorum equitumque, quorum nomina tradere haud promptum est, quoniam victore Vespasiano multi id meritum erga partis simulavere. subierunt obsidium etiam feminae, inter quas maxime insignis Verulana Gratilla, neque liberos neque propinquos sed bellum secuta. Vitellianus miles socordi custodia clausos circumdedit; eoque concubia nocte suos liberos Sabinus et Domitianum fratris filium in Capitolium accivit, misso per neglecta ad Flavianos duces nuntio qui circumsideri ipsos et, ni subveniretur, artas res nuntiaret. noctem adeo quietam egit ut digredi sine noxa potuerit: quippe miles Vitellii adversus pericula ferox, laboribus et vigiliis parum intentus erat, et hibernus imber repente fusus oculos aurisque impediebat.
69.
Rumor of Vitellius’ abdication had already spread and Flavius Sabinus had written to the tribunes of the cohorts to keep their soldiers confined to camp. So all prominent senators, many members of the equestrian order, and all troops of the urban cohorts and of the police crowded Sabinus’ house, as if the entire state had now fallen into the hands of Vespasian. It was there that they received news of the fervor of the people, [still loyal to Vitellius], and of the threats made by the German cohorts. Sabinus had exposed himself too far to retreat and all about him urged recourse to arms, each fearing for himself lest the Vitellians should attack them while still disorganized and therefore less strong. But, as is usually the case in matters of this nature, everyone is prodigal with counsel; few are willing to face danger. In descending towards the water reservoir of Fundanus, the armed escort of Sabinus ran into the most active of Vitellius supporters. The unexpected encounter provoked hardly more than a noisy scuffle, but the Vitellians came out victorious. Faced with a crisis, Sabinus occupied the citadel on the Capitoline hill – the safest course open to him- with a mixed force and some senators and knights, whose names cannot be given with certainty, since many, after Vespasian’s victory, pretended to have been of service to his party in that way. Even women endured the siege, most notable among them Verulana Gratilla, who followed her passion for war rather than her parents and children. The Vitellian soldiery kept watch on those they had surrounded with remarkable negligence; that is why Sabinus was able, in the middle of the night, to bring his children and Vespasian’s son Domitian to the Capitol. He also sent a messenger to the Flavian leaders through gaps in the enemy line to inform that they were besieged and in a critical state unless they were rescued. In fact, he had such a quiet night that he could have escaped without problems, for, while the Vitellian soldier was fearless before danger, he had little use for hard work and guard duties. Besides, a winter storm broke out suddenly, restricting visibility and drowning out all other sounds.
LXX.
Luce prima Sabinus, antequam in vicem hostilia coeptarent, Cornelium Martialem e primipilaribus ad Vitellium misit cum mandatis et questu quod pacta turbarentur: simulationem prorsus et imaginem deponendi imperii fuisse ad decipiendos tot inlustris viros. cur enim e rostris fratris domum, imminentem foro et inritandis hominum oculis, quam Aventinum et penatis uxoris petisset? ita privato et omnem principatus speciem vitanti convenisse. contra Vitellium in Palatium, in ipsam imperii arcem regressum; inde armatum agmen emissum, stratam innocentium caedibus celeberrimam urbis partem, ne Capitolio quidem abstineri. togatum nempe se et unum e senatoribus: dum inter Vespasianum ac Vitellium proeliis legionum, captivitatibus urbium, deditionibus cohortium iudicatur, iam Hispaniis Germaniisque et Britannia desciscentibus, fratrem Vespasiani mansisse in fide, donec ultro ad condiciones vocaretur. pacem et concordiam victis utilia, victoribus tantum pulchra esse. si conventionis paeniteat, non se, quem perfidia deceperit, ferro peteret, non filium Vespasiani vix puberem–quantum occisis uno sene et uno iuvene profici?–: iret obviam legionibus et de summa rerum illic certaret: cetera secundum eventum proelii cessura. trepidus ad haec Vitellius pauca purgandi sui causa respondit, culpam in militem conferens, cuius nimio ardori imparem esse modestiam suam; et monuit Martialem ut per secretam aedium partem occulte abiret, ne a militibus internuntius invisae pacis interficeretur: ipse neque iubendi neque vetandi potens non iam imperator sed tantum belli causa erat.
70.
At dawn, without waiting for hostilities to break out on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a senior centurion, to Vitellius with instructions to protest that their agreement was violated. [He was to say to him] that his attempt to abdicate had been nothing but empty show, an elaborate pretense aimed at deceiving so many eminent citizens. Why else, on leaving the rostra, had he made his way to his brother’s house, a building overlooking the Forum and attracting the eyes of the people, rather than go to his wife’s house on the Aventine? That would have been the action of a private citizen trying to avoid all appearances of imperial power. Quite the contrary, he had returned to the palace, the bastion itself of power. From there had issued a swarm of armed men and the most lively quarter of the city had become strewn with the corpses of innocent men, the Capitol itself not being spared. As for himself, he was of course only a civil servant and one out of many senators, [yet], while the issue between Vespasian and Vitellius was being decided by clashes of legions, the storming of cities, the surrender of cohorts, even when Britain and the provinces of Gaul and Germany were in revolt, he, Vespasian’s brother, had remained faithful to Vitellius until he was invited, without him asking for the privilege, to negotiate a compromise. Peace and concord were more advantageous to the vanquished; as for the victors, they only added to their glory. If Vitellius regretted the pact they had made, he should not visit violence on him, whom he had perfidly tricked, nor on Vespasian’s son, still hardly a boy. What would he gain from the murder of an old man and of one youth? He should rather go and confront the legions and there fight for the empire of the world. All else would order itself in the wake of that battle. To these reproaches the mortified Vitellius answered a few words to exculpate himself, shifting the blame on the soldiers, whose overflowing devotion, he said, his own appeasement was unable to restrain. He advised Martialis to leave through a secret part of the palace, for fear he might be killed by the soldiers for being the mediator of a peace they abhorred. He was now powerless both to command and to forbid, no longer the emperor, but only the pretext of a war.