LXXI.
Exim Bononiae a Fabio Valente gladiatorum spectaculum editur, advecto ex urbe cultu. quantoque magis propinquabat, tanto corruptius iter immixtis histrionibus et spadonum gregibus et cetero Neronianae aulae ingenio; namque et Neronem ipsum Vitellius admiratione celebrabat, sectari cantantem solitus, non necessitate, qua honestissimus quisque, sed luxu et saginae mancipatus emptusque. ut Valenti et Caecinae vacuos honoris mensis aperiret, coartati aliorum consulatus, dissimulatus Marci Macri tamquam Othonianarum partium ducis; et Valerium Marinum destinatum a Galba consulem distulit, nulla offensa, sed mitem et iniuriam segniter laturum. Pedanius Costa omittitur, ingratus principi ut adversus Neronem ausus et Verginii extimulator, sed alias protulit causas; actaeque insuper Vitellio gratiae consuetudine servitii.
71.
His next stop was Bononia, where Fabius Valens gave him a gladiatorial show after having all the accessories brought up fom the capital. The closer he drew to Rome the more disorderly his progress became. His train was a motley collection of actors, eunuchs, and whatever other characters had been conspicuous in Nero’s court, for Vitellius was an ardent admirer of Nero himself, whose singing performances he never missed, not because he was forced to, as the best men in the city were, but because he was a dissolute man, a drab to his appetites. In order to make available to Valens and Caecina some months of office, Vitellius abridged the consulates of the others, ignored that of Marcus Macer for having been a leader of Otho’s party and postponed the consulship of Valerius Marinus, not for any offense on Marinus’ part, but rather for being a mild-mannered man, likely to pocket the affront without protest. Pedanius Costa was passed over as disagreeable to Vitellius for his audacity in opposing Nero and for inciting Verginius to action, though Vitellius adduced other reasons. The emperor even received official thanks, servility being now the norm.
LXXII.
Non ultra paucos dies quamquam acribus initiis coeptum mendacium valuit. extiterat quidam Scribonianum se Camerinum ferens, Neronianorum temporum metu in Histria occultatum, quod illic clientelae et agri veterum Crassorum ac nominis favor manebat. igitur deterrimo quoque in argumentum fabulae adsumpto vulgus credulum et quidam militum, errore veri seu turbarum studio, certatim adgregabantur, cum pertractus ad Vitellium interrogatusque quisnam mortalium esset. postquam nulla dictis fides et a domino noscebatur condicione fugitivus, nomine Geta, sumptum de eo supplicium in servilem modum.
72.
An imposture, though quite alarming at the start, was cleared in a few days. Someone came forward claiming to be Scribonianus Camerinus and asserting that the climate of fear under Nero had forced him to go into hiding in Istria where the ancient family of the Crassi still had clients, land, and influence. In support of his masquerade he had gathered about him the local riffraff, attracting also an eager crowd of credulous people and even some soldiers, either deceived by his lies or in search of trouble. Taken before Vitellius, he was asked who on earth he really was and when no credible answer was given and he was even recognized by his master as a fugitive slave, he was put to death in the manner reserved for slaves.
LXXIII.
Vix credibile memoratu est quantum superbiae socordiaeque Vitellio adoleverit, postquam speculatores e Syria Iudaeaque adactum in verba eius Orientem nuntiavere. nam etsi vagis adhuc et incertis auctoribus erat tamen in ore famaque Vespasianus ac plerumque ad nomen eius Vitellius excitabatur: tum ipse exercitusque, ut nullo aemulo, saevitia libidine raptu in externos mores proruperant.
73.
When observers from Syria and Judea brought the news that the Orient had sworn loyalty to him, Vitellius’ arrogance and complacency swelled up to a degree hardly to be believed. In fact, Vespasian and the rumors of his exploits were on everyone’s lips (though the sources were still vague and uncertain) and mere mention of his name often shook Vitellius from his torpor. But from that moment on, he and his army, as if they had no rivals to contend with, broke out into all the excesses of barbaric nations, indulging in wanton cruelty, degeneracy, and pillage.
LXXIV.
At Vespasianus bellum armaque et procul vel iuxta sitas viris circumspectabat. miles ipsi adeo paratus ut praeeuntem sacramentum et fausta Vitellio omnia precantem per silentium audierint; Muciani animus nec Vespasiano alienus et in Titum pronior; praefectus Aegypti [T.] Alexander consilia sociaverat; tertiam legionem, quod e Syria in Moesiam transisset, suam numerabat; ceterae Illyrici legiones secuturae sperabantur; namque omnis exercitus flammaverat adrogantia venientium a Vitellio militum, quod truces corpore, horridi sermone ceteros ut imparis inridebant. sed in tanta mole belli plerumque cunctatio; et Vespasianus modo in spem erectus, aliquando adversa reputabat: quis ille dies foret quo sexaginta aetatis annos et duos filios iuvenes bello permitteret? esse privatis cogitationibus progressum et, prout velint, plus minusve sumi ex fortuna: imperium cupientibus nihil medium inter summa aut praecipitia.
74.
Vespasian, meanwhile, was carefully considering the possibility of war, the number of armies, and the disposition of forces far and near. His troops were so well disposed in his favor that when he had led the way in swearing the oath to Vitellius and offered prayers for his unchallenged success, they had listened without cheering. Mucianus was not against him, being more partial to Titus. The prefect of Egypt, Tiberius Alexander, had agreed to the plan. The Third legion he counted as his (Vespasian’s) own, since it was from Syria that it had moved to Moesia. The legions of Illyricum, it was hoped, would follow the example of the Third, for every army had resented the arrogance of the soldiers coming to them from Vitellius, who in spite of their savage appearance and barbarous jargon looked down on all others as inferior. But in starting a war of such magnitude, many and frequent were the reasons for hesitation and Vespasian, if at times he entertained high hopes, at times also reflected on the difficulties ahead. Fateful indeed would be the day when he would expose to the risks of war sixty years of his life and his two young sons. In forming private plans the advance is gradual and one can venture as much or as little as one likes. But for those seeking the empire there in no middle ground between the highest peak and the abyss.
LXXV.
Versabatur ante oculos Germanici exercitus robur, notum viro militari: suas legiones civili bello inexpertas, Vitellii victricis, et apud victos plus querimoniarum quam virium. fluxam per discordias militum fidem et periculum ex singulis: quid enim profuturas cohortis alasque, si unus alterve praesenti facinore paratum ex diverso praemium petat? sic Scribonianum sub Claudio interfectum, sic percussorem eius Volaginium e gregario ad summa militiae provectum: facilius universos impelli quam singulos vitari.
75.
His mind kept dwelling on the might of the army of Germany, well known to him as a soldier. His own legions had had no taste of civil war, those of Vitellius were victorious and among the defeated Othonians there was more recrimination than strength. In times of civil discord the soldiers’ loyalty was volatile and danger may come from any one man. Of what help would cohorts and cavalry regiments be to him if by a criminal act that takes an instant this one or this other assassin were to seek the reward offered by his adversaries? That was how Scribonianus under Claudius was killed and how his assassin Volaginius had risen from common soldier to the highest ranks. It was easier, [he mused], to set masses of men in motion than to avoid a single man.
LXXVI.
His pavoribus nutantem et alii legati amicique firmabant et Mucianus, post multos secretosque sermones iam et coram ita locutus: ‘omnes, qui magnarum rerum consilia suscipiunt, aestimare debent an quod inchoatur rei publicae utile, ipsis gloriosum, promptum effectu aut certe non arduum sit; simul ipse qui suadet considerandus est, adiciatne consilio periculum suum, et, si fortuna coeptis adfuerit, cui summum decus adquiratur. ego te, Vespasiane, ad imperium voco, quam salutare rei publicae, quam tibi magnificum, iuxta deos in tua manu positum est. nec speciem adulantis expaveris: a contumelia quam a laude propius fuerit post Vitellium eligi. non adversus divi Augusti acerrimam mentem nec adversus cautissimam Tiberii senectutem, ne contra Gai quidem aut Claudii vel Neronis fundatam longo imperio domum exurgimus; cessisti etiam Galbae imaginibus: torpere ultra et polluendam perdendamque rem publicam relinquere sopor et ignavia videretur, etiam si tibi quam inhonesta, tam tuta servitus esset. abiit iam et transvectum est tempus quo posses videri non cupisse: confugiendum est ad imperium. an excidit trucidatus Corbulo? splendidior origine quam nos sumus, fateor, sed et Nero nobilitate natalium Vitellium anteibat. satis clarus est apud timentem quisquis timetur. et posse ab exercitu principem fieri sibi ipse Vitellius documento, nullis stipendiis, nulla militari fama, Galbae odio provectus. ne Othonem quidem ducis arte aut exercitus vi, sed praepropera ipsius desperatione victum, iam desiderabilem et magnum principem fecit, cum interim spargit legiones, exarmat cohortis, nova cotidie bello semina ministrat. si quid ardoris ac ferociae miles habuit, popinis et comissationibus et principis imitatione deteritur: tibi e Iudaea et Syria et Aegypto novem legiones integrae, nulla acie exhaustae, non discordia corruptae, sed firmatus usu miles et belli domitor externi: classium alarum cohortium robora et fidissimi reges et tua ante omnis experientia.’
76.
While these fears swayed him one way or the other, his subalterns and friends tried to steady his resolve and in the end Mucianus, after talking with him in private on many occasions, decided to address him publicly in these terms: ‘Those who undertake great enterprises must decide whether his project is beneficial to the state, glorious for themselves, and clearly attainable or at any rate not overly arduous. At the same time, they must look into the motives of anyone who urges the adoption of the plan. Does the advice he gives expose him to the dangers it entails? Also, if the plan succeeds, who gains the highest honor? Well, I call you, Vespasian, to the empire: how much it will help the state, how much it will add to your glory, that is in your hands, after the gods. Do not fear that I am trying to flatter you. To be called upon as the successor of a Vitellius is more an affront than a commendation. We are not rising up against the powerful genius of the divine Augustus, nor against the prudence of Tiberius’ old age, not even the dynasty of Caligula, Claudius, or Nero, consolidated by its long exercise of power. You even gave precedence to Galba’s noble blood, but to remain longer inactive, to abandon the state to corruption and decay, would seem apathy and cowardice on your part, even if such servility were as safe for you as it would be dishonorable. Now the time is past and long gone when you could appear not to have coveted the supreme power. Now the empire is your only safety. Have you forgotten the murder of Corbulo? His family was more illustrious than ours, I admit, but Nero’s birth also was higher than Vitellius. He who is afraid of someone will always find the man he fears noble enough. That it is possible for an army to make an emperor, Vitellius himself has provided proof: with no army experience, no reputation as a soldier, it was Galba’s unpopularity that propelled him to power. As to Otho, he was not beaten by his rival’s skills as a general or by the gallantry of the troops facing him, but by his abandoning hope too soon. Vitellius has only made him seem a great and unforgettable emperor today by scattering the legions, disarming the cohorts, and daily sowing the seeds of war. If his soldiers had any endurance and fighting spirit, they are now being degraded by feasting, carousing, and in aping the emperor. You have from Judea, Syria, and Egypt nine intact legions ready for battle, untouched by mutiny, hardened by exercise, victorious in foreign wars. At your command are fleets, cavalry, infantry, devoted kings, and your own expertise second to none.
LXXVII.
‘Nobis nihil ultra adrogabo quam ne post Valentem et Caecinam numeremur: ne tamen Mucianum socium spreveris, quia aemulum non experiris. me Vitellio antepono, te mihi. tuae domui triumphale nomen, duo iuvenes, capax iam imperii alter et primis militiae annis apud Germanicos quoque exercitus clarus. absurdum fuerit non cedere imperio ei cuius filium adoptaturus essem, si ipse imperarem. ceterum inter nos non idem prosperarum adversarumque rerum ordo erit: nam si vincimus, honorem quem dederis habebo: discrimen ac pericula ex aequo patiemur. immo, ut melius est, tu tuos exercitus rege, mihi bellum et proeliorum incerta trade. acriore hodie disciplina victi quam victores agunt. hos ira, odium, ultionis cupiditas ad virtutem accendit: illi per fastidium et contumacia hebescunt. aperiet et recludet contecta et tumescentia victricium partium vulnera bellum ipsum; nec mihi maior in tua vigilantia parsimonia sapientia fiducia est quam in Vitellii torpore inscitia saevitia. sed meliorem in bello causam quam in pace habemus; nam qui deliberant, desciverunt.’
77.
‘For myself I claim nothing more than not to be ranked below Caecina and Valens. But do not disdain to have Mucianus as your associate because you do not find a rival in him. I consider myself superior to Vitellius and you superior to me. Your house has the distinction of a triumph and two young men, one already capable of ruling the empire and also famous with the German armies for his first years of service there. It would be inexcusable in me not to yield claim to the empire to one whose son I would adopt, were I emperor myself. For the rest, you and I will not share good and bad fortune in the same way, for, if we win, I shall be the recipient of whatever honor you choose to bestow on me. Crises and dangers we will bear equally, or rather, since that is better, keep command of the armies and leave to me the conduct of the war and the risks of fighting. Today discipline is more strict among the beaten Othonians than among the victors. The ones find in their anger, in their hatred, in their desire for revenge, the fuel to inflame their courage; the others become feeble through arrogance and disobedience. War itself will open and expose the infected wounds of the victorious party that now lie concealed. If I have confidence in your vigilance, your prudence, your wisdom, I equally count on the sloth, incompetence, and cruelty of Vitellius. In any case, war is better for us in our present situation than peace, for those who meditate on revolt are rebels already.’
LXXVIII.
Post Muciani orationem ceteri audentius circumsistere, hortari, responsa vatum et siderum motus referre. nec erat intactus tali superstitione, ut qui mox rerum dominus Seleucum quendam mathematicum rectorem et praescium palam habuerit. recursabant animo vetera omina: cupressus arbor in agris eius conspicua altitudine repente prociderat ac postera die eodem vestigio resurgens procera et latior virebat. grande id prosperumque consensu haruspicum et summa claritudo iuveni admodum Vespasiano promissa, sed primo triumphalia et consulatus et Iudaicae victoriae decus implesse fidem ominis videbatur: ut haec adeptus est, portendi sibi imperium credebat. est Iudaeam inter Syriamque Carmelus: ita vocant montem deumque. nec simulacrum deo aut templum–sic tradidere maiores–: ara tantum et reverentia. illic sacrificanti Vespasiano, cum spes occultas versaret animo, Basilides sacerdos inspectis identidem extis ‘quicquid est’ inquit, ‘Vespasiane, quod paras, seu domum extruere seu prolatare agros sive ampliare servitia, datur tibi magna sedes, ingentes termini, multum hominum.’ has ambages et statim exceperat fama et tunc aperiebat; nec quicquam magis in ore vulgi. crebriores apud ipsum sermones, quanto sperantibus plura dicuntur. haud dubia destinatione discessere Mucianus Antiochiam, Vespasianus Caesaream: illa Syriae, hoc Iudaeae caput est.
78.
After Mucianus’ speech, the others gathered more boldly around Vespasian with encouraging words, reminding him of the predictions of seers and the movement of stars. Nor was he indifferent to such superstitions, given the fact that later, when he became emperor, he openly kept with him a certain Seleucus, an astrologer, as his personal counselor and diviner. All former portents kept returning to his mind. A majestic cypress in his domain had suddenly fallen down, but the next day it had come up again in the same spot, its lush crown even wider than before. The miracle, as all the haruspices agreed, was both of great importance and auspicious and Vespasian, then a very young man, was promised he would rise to the greatest eminence. His subsequent triumph first, then the consulate and the victory in Judea seemed to have fulfilled the prophecy, but after he achieved these honors he became convinced that the omen foretold his rise to imperial power. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel, that being the name given to the mountain and to the deity residing there, who has no images and no temple –such is the ancient custom—only an altar and the faithful. One day, as Vespasian was offering a sacrifice and revolving his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after inspecting again and again the vital organs of the victim, said to him: ‘Whatever it is you are planning, Vespasian, either the construction of a house or an enlargement of your estate, or an increase in the number of your slaves, the god vouchsafes you a vast home, extensive boundaries, and multitudes of men.’ Fame had seized on these cryptic remarks, and now was discovering their meaning. No subject was more on people’s lips and speculation was especially intense when Vespasian was present, inasmuch as much more is said to those who cherish high hopes. Fully committed now, Mucianus and Vespasian separated, the one headed for Antioch, the capital of Syria, the other for Caesarea, the capital of Judaea.
LXXIX.
Initium ferendi ad Vespasianum imperii Alexandriae coeptum, festinante Tiberio Alexandro, qui kalendis Iuliis sacramento eius legiones adegit. isque primus principatus dies in posterum celebratus, quamvis Iudaicus exercitus quinto nonas Iulias apud ipsum iurasset, eo ardore ut ne Titus quidem filius expectaretur, Syria remeans et consiliorum inter Mucianum ac patrem nuntius. cuncta impetu militum acta non parata contione, non coniunctis legionibus.
79.
The movement to transfer power to Vespasian began in Alexandria. The governor of Egypt, Tiberius Alexander, acting speedily, had his troops swear allegiance to Vespasian on the first of July. From then on the day was celebrated as the beginning of Vespasian principate, even though the army of Judaea had taken the oath in the presence of Vespasian himself only on the third of July. The ardor shown by the troops was such that they did not even wait for the return of his son Titus, who was coming back from Syria to announce the accord between his father and Mucianus. All was done on impulse by the enthusiastic soldiers, without the need of a formal assembly of the troops or the juncture of all the legions.
LXXX.
Dum quaeritur tempus locus quodque in re tali difficillimum est, prima vox, dum animo spes timor, ratio casus obversantur, egressum cubiculo Vespasianum pauci milites, solito adsistentes ordine ut legatum salutaturi, imperatorem salutavere: tum ceteri adcurrere, Caesarem et Augustum et omnia principatus vocabula cumulare. mens a metu ad fortunam transierat: in ipso nihil tumidum, adrogans aut in rebus novis novum fuit. ut primum tantae altitudinis obfusam oculis caliginem disiecit, militariter locutus laeta omnia et affluentia excepit; namque id ipsum opperiens Mucianus alacrem militem in verba Vespasiani adegit. tum Antiochensium theatrum ingressus, ubi illis consultare mos est, concurrentis et in adulationem effusos adloquitur, satis decorus etiam Graeca facundia, omniumque quae diceret atque ageret arte quadam ostentator. nihil aeque provinciam exercitumque accendit quam quod adseverabat Mucianus statuisse Vitellium ut Germanicas legiones in Syriam ad militiam opulentam quietamque transferret, contra Syriacis legionibus Germanica hiberna caelo ac laboribus dura mutarentur; quippe et provinciales sueto militum contubernio gaudebant, plerique necessitudinibus et propinquitatibus mixti, et militibus vetustate stipendiorum nota et familiaria castra in modum penatium diligebantur.
80.
While they sought a proper time, place, and — what is most difficult in such cases –that first voice [that would precipitate the insurrection], and while hope, fear, doubts, questions crowded the minds, Vespasian, who happened to step outside his chamber and was passing by a few soldiers drawn up as usual to salute him as general in command, was hailed instead as emperor. Then all the others ran up instantly and acclaimed him with all the titles of an emperor, including Caesar and Augustus. The soldiers’ state of mind had passed from fear to trust in Vespasian’s fortunes. He himself showed no sign of vanity or arrogance, no change in behaviour, though the whole world was changing. As soon as he had cleared the mist that had blurred his vision at such sudden rise, he harangued the troops like a soldier and listened to the joyous news pouring in from everywhere. For Mucianus, who was just waiting for such turn of events, administered the oath of allegiance to his troops, already champing at the bit. Then he entered the theater of Antioch, where the people also assemble to deliberate, and to a crowded audience that had pressed into the theater and was lavish with its adulation he delivered a speech. He spoke quite eloquently for he knew Greek well and in all he might say and do he showed a special kind of grace. Nothing provoked as much anger in the province and in the army as Mucianus’ announcement that Vitellius had decided to transfer the German legions to Syria, where the service was more restful and profitable, and in exchange assign to the Syrian legions the encampments in Germany with their harsh climate and hard labor. For the provincials, on one hand, enjoyed their everyday association with the soldiers — many even forming close ties with them through marriage or friendship — on the other, soldiers themselves, after years of service [in the same place] had come to regard the old familiar camps as their homes.