I.
Interfecto Vitellio bellum magis desierat quam pax coeperat. armati per urbem victores implacabili odio victos consectabantur: plenae caedibus viae, cruenta fora templaque, passim trucidatis, ut quemque fors obtulerat. ac mox augescente licentia scrutari ac protrahere abditos; si quem procerum habitu et iuventa conspexerant, obtruncare nullo militum aut populi discrimine. quae saevitia recentibus odiis sanguine explebatur, dein verterat in avaritiam. nihil usquam secretum aut clausum sinebant, Vitellianos occultari simulantes. initium id perfringendarum domuum, vel si resisteretur, causa caedis; nec deerat egentissimus quisque e plebe et pessimi servitiorum prodere ultro ditis dominos, alii ab amicis monstrabantur. ubique lamenta, conclamationes et fortuna captae urbis, adeo ut Othoniani Vitellianique militis invidiosa antea petulantia desideraretur. duces partium accendendo civili bello acres, temperandae victoriae impares, quippe inter turbas et discordias pessimo cuique plurima vis, pax et quies bonis artibus indigent.
1.
With the death of Vitellius the war had ended, but the peace had not yet begun. Arms in hand, the victors hunted down their defeated adversaries throughout the city with relentless animosity. Streets full of slaughter, public squares and temples red with blood, men murdered in every place as chance placed them in their pursuers’ path. Soon, as the license increased, they began to search for and drag into the open those who had gone in hiding. Whenever they caught sight of someone who was young and tall, they massacred him without regard to whether he was a soldier or a civilian. Their brutality in the first transports of hate became sated with blood, then turned into rapacity. They allowed no place to remain secret or closed, on the pretext it might conceal Vitellians. So the breaking into houses began and any resistance was reason for murder. Many of the neediest in the populace and the most perverse among the slaves readily betrayed their rich masters; others were pointed out by their own friends. Everywhere lamentations, anguished cries and all the ordeals of a captured city, to the extent that the grasping license of the Othonian and Vitellian soldiery was now thought of with regret. The Flavian leaders, so eager to start the fires of civil war, now lacked the power to moderate the excesses of victory, since in tumult and strife the worst among us are in control; peace and quiet need the nursing of virtuous men to thrive.
II.
Nomen sedemque Caesaris Domitianus acceperat, nondum ad curas intentus, sed stupris et adulteriis filium principis agebat. praefectura praetorii penes Arrium Varum, summa potentiae in Primo Antonio. is pecuniam familiamque e principis domo quasi Cremonensem praedam rapere: ceteri modestia vel ignobilitate ut in bello obscuri, ita praemiorum expertes. civitas pavida et servitio parata occupari redeuntem Tarracina L. Vitellium cum cohortibus extinguique reliqua belli postulabat: praemissi Ariciam equites, agmen legionum intra Bovillas stetit. nec cunctatus est Vitellius seque et cohortis arbitrio victoris permittere, et miles infelicia arma haud minus ira quam metu abiecit. longus deditorum ordo saeptus armatis per urbem incessit, nemo supplici vultu, sed tristes et truces et adversum plausus ac lasciviam insultantis vulgi immobiles. paucos erumpere ausos circumiecti pressere; ceteri in custodiam conditi, nihil quisquam locutus indignum, et quamquam inter adversa, salva virtutis fama. dein L. Vitellius interficitur, par vitiis fratris, in principatu eius vigilantior, nec perinde prosperis socius quam adversis abstractus.
2.
Domitian had received both the title of Caesar and possession of the imperial palace. He had as yet no thought of his obligations, but played the role of Vespasian’s son with rape and adultery. Arrius Varus held command of the Praetorian Guard, but the real power was in the hands of Antonius. He made free with money and slaves from the emperor’s palace as if they were so much loot from Cremona. The other leaders, either too modest or insignificant, just as they had gained no prominence in the war so they had no share of the rewards. The citizenry, cowed and ready to please a new master, was demanding that Lucius Vitellius, coming up with his cohorts from Terracina, be apprehended and that the last fires of war be put out. The Fabian cavalry was sent on to Aricia, the infantry halted short of Bovillae. Vitellius had no intention of resisting: he gave himself and his troops up to the victor’s discretion. The soldiers threw away, more in anger than in fear, the arms that had failed to gain them victory. The long procession of captives filed through the city, hedged in by armed guard. Not one face expressed supplication, but all looked sad and grim, responding to the the clapping and jeers of the insolent multitude with solemn impassiveness. A few that dared break out of line were suppressed by the guards encircling them. The rest were taken into custody, no one saying a word unworthy of him, and though fortune was against them, they all preserved their reputation for bravery. Soon after Lucius Vitellius was executed. His brother’s fellow in villainy, he showed himself the more vigilant of the two during the principate, yet he was less the sharer in his brother’s success than partner in his ruinous fall.
III.
Isdem diebus Lucilius Bassus cum expedito equite ad componendam Campaniam mittitur, discordibus municipiorum animis magis inter semet quam contumacia adversus principem. viso milite quies et minoribus coloniis impunitas: Capuae legio tertia hiemandi causa locatur et domus inlustres adflictae, cum contra Tarracinenses nulla ope iuvarentur. tanto proclivius est iniuriae quam beneficio vicem exolvere, quia gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu habetur. solacio fuit servus Vergilii Capitonis, quem proditorem Tarracinensium diximus, patibulo adfixus in isdem anulis quos acceptos a Vitellio gestabat. at Romae senatus cuncta principibus solita Vespasiano decernit, laetus et spei certus, quippe sumpta per Gallias Hispaniasque civilia arma, motis ad bellum Germaniis, mox Illyrico, postquam Aegyptum Iudaeam Syriamque et omnis provincias exercitusque lustraverant, velut expiato terrarum orbe cepisse finem videbantur: addidere alacritatem Vespasiani litterae tamquam manente bello scriptae. ea prima specie forma; ceterum ut princeps loquebatur, civilia de se, et rei publicae egregia. nec senatus obsequium deerat: ipsi consulatus cum Tito filio, praetura Domitiano et consulare imperium decernuntur.
3.
At the same time Lucilius Bassus was sent out with a contingent of light cavalry to pacify Campania, where the municipalities were troubled by mutual ill will more than by a spirit of revolt against the new emperor. The presence of the soldiers re-established order; also, the smaller municipalities went unpunished, but Capua was required to provide winter accomodations for the Third legion. The prominent families of Capua were sorely tried, while the people of Terracina, on the other hand, were offered no relief, so much more prone are we to repay an injury than a kindness. The reason is that gratitude is considered a charge, revenge profit. The one comfort to Terracina was that the slave of Vergilius Capito, whom I mentioned as having betrayed them, was crucified, wearing the same ring he had received from Vitellius. Meanwhile in Rome the Senate decreed to Vespasian all that is usually bestowed on an emperor. The members of the Senate were elated and full of confidence in the future, for the conflict, which had started in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, then spread to Germany and the Illyricum, and from there had scoured Egypt, Judea, Syria and all the provinces –and all the armies therein – seemed now to have reached its conclusion, after having cleansed the universe of all its impurities. The Senate’s enthusiasm was encouraged by a letter from Vespasian, worded as if the war was still being fought. That was the appearance at first sight, but in fact he already spoke as the emperor, in an unassuming manner about himself, in a lofty style about the state. Neither was the Senate behindhand with homage: they made him consul together with his son Titus and gave the praetorship and the powers of a consul to Domitian.
IV.
Miserat et Mucianus epistulas ad senatum, quae materiam sermonibus praebuere. si privatus esset, cur publice loqueretur? potuisse eadem paucos post dies loco sententiae dici. ipsa quoque insectatio in Vitellium sera et sine libertate: id vero erga rem publicam superbum, erga principem contumeliosum, quod in manu sua fuisse imperium donatumque Vespasiano iactabat. ceterum invidia in occulto, adulatio in aperto erant: multo cum honore verborum Muciano triumphalia de bello civium data, sed in Sarmatas expeditio fingebatur. adduntur Primo Antonio consularia, Cornelio Fusco et Arrio Varo praetoria insignia. mox deos respexere; restitui Capitolium placuit. eaque omnia Valerius Asiaticus consul designatus censuit: ceteri vultu manuque, pauci, quibus conspicua dignitas aut ingenium adulatione exercitum, compositis orationibus adsentiebantur. ubi ad Helvidium Priscum praetorem designatum ventum, prompsit sententiam ut honorificam in bonum principem, * * * falsa aberant, et studiis senatus attollebatur. isque praecipuus illi dies magnae offensae initium et magnae gloriae fuit.
4.
Mucianus also had written to the Senate and his letter furnished matter for much comment: if he were speaking as a private citizen, why was he addressing the Senate? What he had to say could have been said a few days later, when his turn came to speak in the Senate. Even his abuse of Vitellius seemed belated and meanspirited. It certainly was an impertinence to the state and an affront to the prince to boast that the imperial power had been in his hands and that he had made a gift of it to Vespasian. The Senate’s disapproval, however, was kept hidden, while adulation was there for all to see. In the most honorific language Mucianus was given full triumphal honors for waging war on other citizens, though the pretext was the expedition against the Sarmatae. Antonius Primus received the insignia of consular rank, Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus the praetorian honors. Then the Senate turned their thoughts to the gods and decided to rebuild the Capitol. The consul elect Valerius Asiaticus was actively behind all these proposals: the other expressed their approval by a gesture or a look. A few that stood out by virtue of their dignity or who had well honed skills in flattery, supported their assent with elaborate speeches. When it came to Helvidius Priscus, the praetor designate, he offered views, though complimentary towards the new prince… contained nothing that sounded false, and he was warmly applauded by the Senate. This important day was for him the beginning of great resentment and of great fame.
V.
Res poscere videtur, quoniam iterum in mentionem incidimus viri saepius memorandi, ut vitam studiaque eius, et quali fortuna sit usus, paucis repetam. Helvidius Priscus [regione Italiae Carecina] e municipio Cluviis, patre, qui ordinem primi pili duxisset, ingenium inlustre altioribus studiis iuvenis admodum dedit, non, ut plerique, ut nomine magnifico segne otium velaret, sed quo firmior adversus fortuita rem publicam capesseret. doctores sapientiae secutus est, qui sola bona quae honesta, mala tantum quae turpia, potentiam nobilitatem ceteraque extra animum neque bonis neque malis adnumerant. quaestorius adhuc a Paeto Thrasea gener delectus e moribus soceri nihil aeque ac libertatem hausit, civis, senator, maritus, gener, amicus, cunctis vitae officiis aequabilis, opum contemptor, recti pervicax, constans adversus metus.
5.
It seems that the subject demands (seeing it is the second time I refer to a man to be mentioned again and again) that I dwell briefly on his life , his pursuits, and the fortunes that fell to his lot. Helvidius Priscus came from the municipality of Cluviae in the Italian region of the Carecini. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. As a young man he directed his extraordinary talents wholly to the higher studies, not, as most young men do, to conceal under a prestigious title an indolent disposition, but to enter a life of civil service better armed against the erratic twists of fortune. The teachers of philosophy he followed were those for whom nothing is good unless morally right, nothing bad but what is morally reprehensible, and who hold that power, social status, and all the things that are not of the mind are neither good nor bad. When still a quaestor, he was chosen by Paetus Thrasea as his daughter’s husband, and of his father-in-laws’s virtues none inspired him more than love of liberty. As citizen, senator, husband, son-in-law, friend and in all of life’s relationships, he remained the same, a scorner of wealth, an obstinate defender of right, a bastion against intimidation.
VI.
Erant quibus adpetentior famae videretur, quando etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae novissima exuitur. ruina soceri in exilium pulsus, ut Galbae principatu rediit, Marcellum Eprium, delatorem Thraseae, accusare adgreditur. ea ultio, incertum maior an iustior, senatum in studia diduxerat: nam si caderet Marcellus, agmen reorum sternebatur. primo minax certamen et egregiis utriusque orationibus testatum; mox dubia voluntate Galbae, multis senatorum deprecantibus, omisit Priscus, variis, ut sunt hominum ingenia, sermonibus moderationem laudantium aut constantiam requirentium. Ceterum eo senatus die quo de imperio Vespasiani censebant, placuerat mitti ad principem legatos. hinc inter Helvidium et Eprium acre iurgium: Priscus eligi nominatim a magistratibus iuratis, Marcellus urnam postulabat, quae consulis designati sententia fuerat.
6.
Some thought he was too hungry for fame, desire for glory being the last passion discarded even by the wise. Driven into exile by his father-in-law’s fall, when he returned during Galba’s principate he brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, Thrasea’s accuser. This attempt to see justice done — hard to say whether more clamorous or more righteous—caused division in the Senate for, if Marcellus fell, a whole swarm of culpable senators would be dragged down with him. At first the debate was fiercely acrimonius, as the memorable speeches of the two contenders bear witness, then, in view of Galba’s wavering attitude and giving in to the entreaties of several senators, Priscus withdrew the charges, a decision which generated conflicting reactions (as expected, given men’s diversity of opinion), some praising his moderation, others deploring his lack of persistence. Now, to resume, at the meeting in which the Senate voted Vespasian the imperial power, it had been also decided to send a delegation to the prince and from this arose a bitter dispute between Helvidius and Eprius. Priscus demanded that the delegates be expressly chosen by the magistrates under oath; Marcellus clamored for selection by lot, since [he said] this had already been proposed by the consul designate.
VII.
Sed Marcelli studium proprius rubor excitabat ne aliis electis posthabitus crederetur. paulatimque per altercationem ad continuas et infestas orationes provecti sunt, quaerente Helvidio quid ita Marcellus iudicium magistratuum pavesceret: esse illi pecuniam et eloquentiam, quis multos anteiret, ni memoria flagitiorum urgeretur. sorte et urna mores non discerni: suffragia et existimationem senatus reperta ut in cuiusque vitam famamque penetrarent. pertinere ad utilitatem rei publicae, pertinere ad Vespasiani honorem, occurrere illi quos innocentissimos senatus habeat, qui honestis sermonibus auris imperatoris imbuant. fuisse Vespasiano amicitiam cum Thrasea, Sorano, Sentio; quorum accusatores etiam si puniri non oporteat, ostentari non debere. hoc senatus iudicio velut admoneri principem quos probet, quos reformidet. nullum maius boni imperii instrumentum quam bonos amicos esse. satis Marcello quod Neronem in exitium tot innocentium impulerit: frueretur praemiis et impunitate, Vespasianum melioribus relinqueret.
7.
Marcellus’ ardour was prompted by his personal sense of shame in case someone else was chosen and he was deemed secondary. Gradually, through a series of angry exchanges, the dispute arrived at the stage where interminable and aggressive speeches were brought to bear. Helvidius asked why Marcellus feared so much the decision of the magistrates: he had both wealth and eloquence thanks to which he was far ahead of others, unless he was haunted by the memory of his crimes. Conduct was not revealed by chance and the drawing of lots: votes and the perspicacity of the Senate had been conceived to delve into the life and reputation of each citizen. It concerned the interest of the state, it concerned the respect due to Vespasian that those should come to him whom the Senate judged the most free from stain, who should fill the emperor’s ears with honest counsel. Vespasian had Thrasea, Soranus, Sentius as friends, whose accusers, though it was not expedient to punish, ought not to be made prominent before him. By the Senate’s choice of delegates the prince would be, as it were, warned as to whom he should cherish and whom he should be wary of. No instrument of power was better for a good prince than upright friends. Enough for Marcellus that he pushed Nero to destroy so many innocent men. Let him enjoy the reward of his crimes and immunity from prosecution, and leave Vespasian to better men than himself.
VIII.
Marcellus non suam sententiam impugnari, sed consulem designatum censuisse dicebat, secundum vetera exempla quae sortem legationibus posuissent, ne ambitioni aut inimicitiis locus foret. nihil evenisse cur antiquitus instituta exolescerent aut principis honor in cuiusquam contumeliam verteretur; sufficere omnis obsequio. id magis vitandum ne pervicacia quorundam inritaretur animus novo principatu suspensus et vultus quoque ac sermones omnium circumspectans. se meminisse temporum quibus natus sit, quam civitatis formam patres avique instituerint; ulteriora mirari, praesentia sequi; bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualiscumque tolerare. non magis sua oratione Thraseam quam iudicio senatus adflictum; saevitiam Neronis per eius modi imagines inlusisse, nec minus sibi anxiam talem amicitiam quam aliis exilium. denique constantia fortitudine Catonibus et Brutis aequaretur Helvidius: se unum esse ex illo senatu, qui simul servierit. suadere etiam Prisco ne supra principem scanderet, ne Vespasianum senem triumphalem, iuvenum liberorum patrem, praeceptis coerceret. quo modo pessimis imperatoribus sine fine dominationem, ita quamvis egregiis modum libertatis placere. haec magnis utrimque contentionibus iactata diversis studiis accipiebantur. vicit pars quae sortiri legatos malebat, etiam mediis patrum adnitentibus retinere morem; et splendidissimus quisque eodem inclinabat metu invidiae, si ipsi eligerentur.
8.
Marcellus answered it was not his opinion that was challenged: the consul designate had recommended it, according to ancient precedent, which had established the drawing of lots for delegations in order to leave no room for unfair dealings and bitter animosities. Nothing had occurred that would justify a departure from ancient custom or turn the honor due the prince into an affront to any senator. All members were fit to go and pay homage. What they must avoid was this, that the mind of a prince not quite used yet to the new power, and watching the looks and words of every person, be vexed by the intransigence of some among them. For himself, he remembered the times in which he was born, the form of government the ancestors had established; he admired the past, yet moved with the times. He prayed for good emperors, but was ready to endure no matter what sort. With regard to Thrasea, it was not his speech, no more than it was the Senate’s vote, that destroyed him. Nero’s perverse nature had made a game of such travesties [as Thrasea’s trial], and he, Marcellus, found his friendship a greater source of anxiety than others did their exile. In short, let Helvidius emulate the constancy and fortitude of the Catos and Brutuses. Himself, he was but one senator out of many who had to bend under the same yoke. One piece of advice he would give Priscus: not to place himself above the emperor, not to lord it over a mature man like Vespasian, who had won the right to a triumph and was father to grown-up sons. Just as the worst emperors hunger for unlimited power, so the others, no matter how excellent, desire a limit to their subjects’ freedom. These arguments, bandied with passionate vigor on either side, were received with mixed reactions. The side won that preferred that the delegation be chosen by lot, for even those who were neutral supported a motion proposing compliance with tradition. The most distinguished senators also inclined that way for fear of exciting ill will in case they should be chosen themselves.
IX.
Secutum aliud certamen. praetores aerarii (nam tum a praetoribus tractabatur aerarium) publicam paupertatem questi modum impensis postulaverant. eam curam consul designatus ob magnitudinem oneris et remedii difficultatem principi reservabat: Helvidius arbitrio senatus agendum censuit. cum perrogarent sententias consules, Vulcacius Tertullinus tribunus plebis intercessit ne quid super tanta re principe absente statueretur. censuerat Helvidius ut Capitolium publice restitueretur, adiuvaret Vespasianus. eam sententiam modestissimus quisque silentio, deinde oblivio transmisit: fuere qui et meminissent.
9.
Another altercation followed. The praetors, who at that time were in charge of the public treasury, were complaining of the poverty of the state and demanding that expenditures be reduced. In view of the magnitude of the task and the difficulty of the remedy, the consul designate wanted to reserve this matter for the emperor’s attention. Helvidius was of the opinion that the Senate should act. When the consuls began to register the senators’ views, the tribune of the people Vulcacius Tertullinus opposed his veto to prevent the Senate from deciding on an issue of such importance in the emperor’s absence. Helvidius had proposed the reconstruction of the Capitol at public expense, with Vespasian helping along. That motion the most moderate senators let pass in silence, then forgot. Yet there were some who remembered it.
X.
Tum invectus est Musonius Rufus in P. Celerem, a quo Baream Soranum falso testimonio circumventum arguebat. ea cognitione renovari odia accusationum videbantur. sed vilis et nocens reus protegi non poterat: quippe Sorani sancta memoria; Celer professus sapientiam, dein testis in Baream, proditor corruptorque amicitiae cuius se magistrum ferebat. proximus dies causae destinatur; nec tam Musonius aut Publius quam Priscus et Marcellus ceterique, motis ad ultionem animis, expectabantur.
10.
Then Musonius Rufus flared up at Publius Celer, who he claimed had caused Barea Soranus’ demise by his false accusations. An inquiry into this seemed to revive all the hates caused by the informers, yet a defendant so vile and palpably guilty could not be protected, also because the memory of Soranus was revered. Celer had taught Barea philosophy, then has given evidence against him, betraying and dishonoring friendship, of which he professed to be a teacher. The case was set for the next meeting of the senate. All minds being now fixed on the settling of old accounts, it was not so much Musonius or Celer , but rather Priscus and Marcellus with the rest of the informers that were eagerly awaited.