LXI.
Civilis barbaro voto post coepta adversus Romanos arma propexum rutilatumque crinem patrata demum caede legionum deposuit; et ferebatur parvulo filio quosdam captivorum sagittis iaculisque puerilibus figendos obtulisse. ceterum neque se neque quemquam Batavum in verba Galliarum adegit, fisus Germanorum opibus et, si certandum adversus Gallos de possessione rerum foret, inclutus fama et potior. Munius Lupercus legatus legionis inter dona missus Veledae. ea virgo nationis Bructerae late imperitabat, vetere apud Germanos more, quo plerasque feminarum fatidicas et augescente superstitione arbitrantur deas. tuncque Veledae auctoritas adolevit; nam prosperas Germanis res et excidium legionum praedixerat. sed Lupercus in itinere interfectus. pauci centurionum tribunorumque in Gallia geniti reservantur pignus societati. cohortium alarum legionum hiberna subversa cremataque, iis tantum relictis quae Mogontiaci ac Vindonissae sita sunt.
61.
Civilis, in keeping with a vow such as a barbarian might make, had let his hair grow and had dyed it red from the time he first took up arms against the Romans. Now that the destruction of the legions was finally accomplished, he had it cut. Rumor also has it that he had given his little boy some prisoners as a present, to serve as target for his miniature arrows and darts. In any case, he never swore loyalty to the Gallic confederacy himself nor had any Batavian do so. Confident in the resources of Germany, he felt certain that if it became necessary to fight for supremacy with Gaul, he had fame and greater power on his side. He sent the legate of one of the legions, Munius Lupercus, along with gifts, to Valeda. This maiden of the tribe of the Bructeri had vast influence, in accordance with an ancient German tradition, which attributed to many women prophetic gifts and even, as the superstition spread, divine status. At this time Valeda’s authority was at its peak, for she had predicted the German successes and the demise of the legions. But then Lupercus was killed on his way to Valeda. A few centurions and tribunes, who were born in Gaul, were retained as hostges to steady the alliance. The winter quarters of the legions, auxiliary infantry, and cavalry were dismantled and set fire to. Those located at Mogontiacum and Vindonissa were left untouched.
LXII.
Legio sexta decima cum auxiliis simul deditis a Novaesio in coloniam Trevirorum transgredi iubetur, praefinita die intra quam castris excederet. medium omne tempus per varias curas egere, ignavissimus quisque caesorum apud Vetera exemplo paventes, melior pars rubore et infamia: quale illud iter? quis dux viae? et omnia in arbitrio eorum quos vitae necisque dominos fecissent. alii nulla dedecoris cura pecuniam aut carissima sibimet ipsi circumdare, quidam expedire arma telisque tamquam in aciem accingi. haec meditantibus advenit proficiscendi hora expectatione tristior. quippe intra vallum deformitas haud perinde notabilis: detexit ignominiam campus et dies. revulsae imperatorum imagines, inhonora signa, fulgentibus hinc inde Gallorum vexillis; silens agmen et velut longae exequiae; dux Claudius Sanctus effosso oculo dirus ore, ingenio debilior. duplicatur flagitium, postquam desertis Bonnensibus castris altera se legio miscuerat. et vulgata captarum legionum fama cuncti qui paulo ante Romanorum nomen horrebant, procurrentes ex agris tectisque et undique effusi insolito spectaculo nimium fruebantur. non tulit ala Picentina gaudium insultantis vulgi, spretisque Sancti promissis aut minis Mogontiacum abeunt; ac forte obvio interfectore Voculae Longino, coniectis in eum telis initium exolvendae in posterum culpae fecere: legiones nihil mutato itinere ante moenia Trevirorum considunt.
62.
The Sixteenth legion with the auxiliary troops that had surrendered with it was ordered to march from Novaesium to the colony of the Treveri and the day was set before which they were to vacate the camp. While waiting, the soldiers’ minds were kept uneasy by concerns of various kinds: the timid were cowed by the prospect of a massacre like the one near Vetera; the better soldiers were tormented by shame and disgrace. They wondered what kind of march lay ahead and who the leader would be. There was also the thought that all would be in the hands of those whom they themselves had made masters of life and death. Others cared nothing about dishonor and concealed money or anything they held most precious about their persons. A few made their equipment ready and armed themselves as if for battle. While all were preoccupied with the things they thought important, the hour of departure arrived and turned out to be even more appalling than their anxious waiting had been. For inside the rampart their disgraceful plight was less noticeable: the open spaces and the light of day exposed their degradation. The emperor’s images had been torn down, the standards stripped of their decorations, while on all sides the Gallic banners shone brightly. The column of marching men was silent, like a long funeral procession. Leading them was Claudius Sanctus who, with an eye gouged out, had an hideous face, but a spirit even more disabled. The humiliation became twofold when the other legion joined them, having abandoned their camp at Bonna. The rumor of the captured legions now spreading, all, who but a few days earlier trembled at the mere mention of the Roman name, now rushed from the fields and farms and poured in from everywhere to enjoy the rare spectacle to the utmost. The Picentine squadron of cavalry did not brook the jubilations of the insulting multitude and, ignoring Sanctus’ promises and threats, made for Mogontiacum. It so happened that on the way they came across Longinus, Vocula’s murderer, whom they quickly dispatched with a volley of missiles, a prelude to the future redemption of their guilt. The legions stuck to their itinerary and made their camp before the walls of the Treveri.
LXIII.
Civilis et Classicus rebus secundis sublati, an coloniam Agrippinensem diripiendam exercitibus suis permitterent dubitavere. saevitia ingenii et cupidine praedae ad excidium civitatis trahebantur: obstabat ratio belli et novum imperium inchoantibus utilis clementiae fama; Civilem etiam beneficii memoria flexit, quod filium eius primo rerum motu in colonia Agrippinensi deprehensum honorata custodia habuerant. sed Transrhenanis gentibus invisa civitas opulentia auctuque; neque alium finem belli rebantur quam si promisca ea sedes omnibus Germanis foret aut disiecta Vbios quoque dispersisset
63.
Civilis and Classicus, buoyed by their successes, were considering whether they should allow their troops to sack Cologne. Their inherent cruelty and passion for plunder pulled them towards destroying the colony, but military considerations stood in the way and also the reflexion that repute for clemency was useful to the founders of a new empire. Civilis was induced to relent also by the service done to his son. Captured at Cologne at the start of the revolt, he had been detained there in an honorable manner. But the colony was hated by the tribes beyond the Rhine because of its wealth and growing prosperity. They claimed that to end the war there was no other way but to open Cologne to all Germans equally or destroy it and disperse the Ubii at the same time.
LXIV.
Igitur Tencteri, Rheno discreta gens, missis legatis mandata apud concilium Agrippinensium edi iubent, quae ferocissimus e legatis in hunc modum protulit: ‘redisse vos in corpus nomenque Germaniae communibus deis et praecipuo deorum Marti grates agimus, vobisque gratulamur quod tandem liberi inter liberos eritis; nam ad hunc diem flumina ac terram et caelum quodam modo ipsum clauserant Romani ut conloquia congressusque nostros arcerent, vel, quod contumeliosius est viris ad arma natis, inermes ac prope nudi sub custode et pretio coiremus. sed ut amicitia societasque nostra in aeternum rata sint, postulamus a vobis muros coloniae, munimenta servitii, detrahatis (etiam fera animalia, si clausa teneas, virtutis obliviscuntur), Romanos omnis in finibus vestris trucidetis (haud facile libertas et domini miscentur): bona interfectorum in medium cedant, ne quis occulere quicquam aut segregare causam suam possit. liceat nobis vobisque utramque ripam colere, ut olim maioribus nostris: quo modo lucem diemque omnibus hominibus, ita omnis terras fortibus viris natura aperuit. instituta cultumque patrium resumite, abruptis voluptatibus, quibus Romani plus adversus subiectos quam armis valent. sincerus et integer et servitutis oblitus populus aut ex aequo agetis aut aliis imperitabitis.’
64.
So the Tencteri, a tribe separated from Cologne by the Rhine, sent a delegation with orders to present before the council of the Agrippinenses their demands, which the most intransigent of the envoys stated as follows: ‘That you have returned to the body of the German nation and are again German in name, we give thanks to the gods we all worship and to Mars before all others. We congratulate you that at last you will be free among free men, for until today the Romans, by barring the rivers, the land, and to some degree the sky itself, have prevented us from meeting and conversing together or, which is more offensive to men born to arms, have forced us to meet unarmed, almost naked and subject to inspection and the payment of a fee. But to seal our friendship and alliance for all days to come, we demand that you dismantle the walls of the colony, the barriers protecting your servitude. Even the beasts of the wild, if you keep them caged, become oblivious of their courage. [We demand] that you do away with any Romans left within your territory, since freedom and mastery can hardly coexist, and that all their possessions go into a common stock to prevent anyone from secreting anything or from furthering his private interest. Let it be permissible for us and for you to live on both banks of the Rhine, as it was once for our ancestors. Just as nature has made light and air accessible to all men, so it has opened all lands to the brave. Resume the practices and customs of your forefathers and tear yourselves from the pleasures with which the Romans secure power over subject peoples better than with force of arms. A people sound and pure, your former servitude forgotten, you will live on equal footing with other nations or even rule over them’.
LXV.
Agrippinenses sumpto consultandi spatio, quando neque subire condiciones metus futuri neque palam aspernari condicio praesens sinebat, in hunc modum respondent: ‘quae prima libertatis facultas data est, avidius quam cautius sumpsimus, ut vobis ceterisque Germanis, consanguineis nostris, iungeremur. muros civitatis, congregantibus se cum maxime Romanorum exercitibus, augere nobis quam diruere tutius est. si qui ex Italia aut provinciis alienigenae in finibus nostris fuerant, eos bellum absumpsit vel in suas quisque sedis refugerunt. deductis olim et nobiscum per conubium sociatis quique mox provenerunt haec patria est; nec vos adeo iniquos existimamus ut interfici a nobis parentes fratres liberos nostros velitis. vectigal et onera commerciorum resolvimus: sint transitus incustoditi sed diurni et inermes, donec nova et recentia iura vetustate in consuetudinem vertuntur. arbitrum habebimus Civilem et Veledam, apud quos pacta sancientur.’ sic lenitis Tencteris legati ad Civilem ac Veledam missi cum donis cuncta ex voluntate Agrippinensium perpetravere; sed coram adire adloquique Veledam negatum: arcebantur aspectu quo venerationis plus inesset. ipsa edita in turre; delectus e propinquis consulta responsaque ut internuntius numinis portabat.
65.
The Agrippinenses gave themselves time to consider and, since fear for the future made acceptance of the demands impossible and their present situation made an open rejection dangerous, they answered thus: ‘The first opportunity that came our way of winning back liberty we have seized, with more eagerness than prudence, in order to be joined with you and all other Germans, our blood brothers. As to the walls of the colony, it is safer for us to strengthen than to pull them down, for Roman armies are assembling as we speak. If any foreigners from Italy or the provinces were in our territories, either the war has swallowed them or they have fled to their homes. To the original settlers who have formed ties with us by marriage and raised families here this colony is country. We cannot think that you are so cruel as to expect us to kill our parents, our brothers, our children. Taxes and restrictions on trade we abolish. Let there be free movement between us, but during the day and without arms until the new and still unfamiliar rules will become accepted with use. As arbiters we shall have Civilis and Veleda, before whom our agreement will be formally sanctioned’. Having thus appeased the Tencteri, they sent an embassy with gifts to Civilis and Veleda and brought all things to a conclusion satisfactory to the people of Cologne. But the envoys were not allowed to approach Veleda and to speak to her, for all petitioners were kept from the seer’s presence to inspire more reverence in them. She herself dwelt in a high tower: someone chosen among her relatives had the task of conveying the questions to her and of bringing back the answers, as if he were the messenger of a divinity.
LXVI.
Civilis societate Agrippinensium auctus proximas civitates adfectare aut adversantibus bellum inferre statuit. occupatisque Sunucis et iuventute eorum per cohortis composita, quo minus ultra pergeret, Claudius Labeo Baetasiorum Tungrorumque et Nerviorum tumultuaria manu restitit, fretus loco, quia pontem Mosae fluminis anteceperat. pugnabaturque in angustiis ambigue donec Germani transnatantes terga Labeonis invasere; simul Civilis, ausus an ex composito, intulit se agmini Tungrorum, et clara voce ‘non ideo’ inquit ‘bellum sumpsimus, ut Batavi et Treviri gentibus imperent: procul haec a nobis adrogantia. accipite societatem: transgredior ad vos, seu me ducem seu militem mavultis.’ movebatur vulgus condebantque gladios, cum Campanus ac Iuvenalis e primoribus Tungrorum universam ei gentem dedidere; Labeo antequam circumveniretur profugit. Civilis Baetasios quoque ac Nervios in fidem acceptos copiis suis adiunxit, ingens rerum, perculsis civitatum animis vel sponte inclinantibus.
66.
Civilis, his power now bolstered by the alliance with the Ubii, decided to win the support of neighboring tribes or to fight them in case of resistance. After occupying the territory of the Sunuci and organizing their youth into cohorts, his progress was opposed by Claudius Labeo with an improvised force of Baetasii, Tungri, and Nervii. Labeo was relying on his position, since he had captured the bridge over the Meuse ahead of time. The battle, fought in a confined space, remained uncertain, until the Germans swam across and attacked Labeo in the rear. At the same time Civilis – was it sudden boldness on his part or a preconcerted plan? – went up to the Tungrian line and raising his voice he cried out: ‘We did not take up arms so that the Batavi and Treveri may dominate the other tribes: such arrogance is far from us. Accept our alliance. I am ready to join you either as your leader or as one of your soldiers, whichever you prefer.’ The Tungrian troops were greatly affected by Civilis words and even beginning to sheathe their swords, when two of their chiefs, Campanus and Juvenalis, gave up their entire tribe to him. Labeo escaped before being surrounded. Civilis prevailed on the Baetasii and the Nervii to join him as well and proceeded to absorb them into his army. His strength was rising beyond measure, either by striking fear into the recalcitrant tribes or through voluntary adhesion to his cause.
LXVII.
Interea Iulius Sabinus proiectis foederis Romani monumentis Caesarem se salutari iubet magnamque et inconditam popularium turbam in Sequanos rapit, conterminam civitatem et nobis fidam; nec Sequani detractavere certamen. fortuna melioribus adfuit: fusi Lingones. Sabinus festinatum temere proelium pari formidine deseruit; utque famam exitii sui faceret, villam, in quam perfugerat, cremavit, illic voluntaria morte interisse creditus. sed quibus artibus latebrisque vitam per novem mox annos traduxerit, simul amicorum eius constantiam et insigne Epponinae uxoris exemplum suo loco reddemus. Sequanorum prospera acie belli impetus stetit. resipiscere paulatim civitates fasque et foedera respicere, principibus Remis, qui per Gallias edixere ut missis legatis in commune consultarent, libertas an pax placeret.
67.
Meanwhile Julius Sabinus, having destroyed all records of the alliance with Rome, had his countrymen salute him as Caesar, then drew behind him a large and disorganized mass of the Lingones in an attack against the Sequani, a neighboring tribe faithful to us. The Sequani promptly took up the challenge and fortune aided the better cause. The Lingones were put to flight and Sabinus, whose temerity had begun the fight, fled from it with equal precipitation. In order to spread the rumor of his death, he set fire to the country house to wich he had fled and was thought to have died in it a voluntary death. By what devices and in which hideouts he lived his life for another nine years, I shall relate later in its proper place, including the constancy of his friends and the noble example of his wife Epponina. The military success of the Sequani checked the momentum of the war. The communities slowly began to see reason again and to honor their duties and commitments. The Remi took the initiative by inviting all Gallic nations to send delegates to deliberate in common whether independence or peace ought to be preferred.
LXVIII.
At Romae cuncta in deterius audita Mucianum angebant, ne quamquam egregii duces (iam enim Gallum Annium et Petilium Cerialem delegerat) summam belli parum tolerarent. nec relinquenda urbs sine rectore; et Domitiani indomitae libidines timebantur, suspectis, uti diximus, Primo Antonio Varoque Arrio. Varus praetorianis praepositus vim atque arma retinebat: eum Mucianus pulsum loco, ne sine solacio ageret, annonae praefecit. utque Domitiani animum Varo haud alienum deleniret, Arrecinum Clementem, domui Vespasiani per adfinitatem innexum et gratissimum Domitiano, praetorianis praeposuit, patrem eius sub C. Caesare egregie functum ea cura dictitans, laetum militibus idem nomen, atque ipsum, quamquam senatorii ordinis, ad utraque munia sufficere. adsumuntur e civitate clarissimus quisque et alii per ambitionem. simul Domitianus Mucianusque accingebantur, dispari animo, ille spe ac iuventa properus, hic moras nectens quis flagrantem retineret, ne ferocia aetatis et pravis impulsoribus, si exercitum invasisset, paci belloque male consuleret. legiones victrices, octava, undecima, decima tertia Vitellianarum unaetvicensima, e recens conscriptis secunda Poeninis Cottianisque Alpibus, pars monte Graio traducuntur; quarta decima legio e Britannia, sexta ac prima ex Hispania accitae. Igitur venientis exercitus fama et suopte ingenio ad mitiora inclinantes Galliarum civitates in Remos convenere. Trevirorum legatio illic opperiebatur, acerrimo instinctore belli Iulio Valentino. is meditata oratione cuncta magnis imperiis obiectari solita contumeliasque et invidiam in populum Romanum effudit, turbidus miscendis seditionibus et plerisque gratus vaecordi facundia.
68.
The news from Gaul, grealy exaggerated before reaching Rome, was causing Mucianus much anxiety. He feared that not even his best generals –-he had in fact already chosen Gallus Annius and Petilius Cerialis—would have the abilities required to assume the general conduct of the war. He could not leave the city behind with no one at the helm: Domitian’s unbridled lust was a major concern, and Primus Antonius and Varus Arrius were suspect, as I mentioned earlier. Varus, in command of the praetorian guard, still had armed troops at his disposal, so Mucianus removed him from this post and put him in charge of food supplies as a consolation. To sooth Domitian’s feelings, who was quite friendly to Varus, he placed Arrecinus Clemens, a man connected with Vespasian’s house by marriage and much liked by Domitian, at the head of the praetorians, justifying his choice by saying that Clemens’ father had held that post with distinction under Caligula, that the same name would be well received by the soldiers, and that Clemens, although a member of the Senate, was up to the functions of both prefect and senator. Mucianus had the most eminent men in the city chosen to accompany him, but others used soliciting to be included. At the same time, both he and Domitian were getting ready to set out, but their state of mind was different: the young man had all the hopes and eagerness of his age, the other was intent on reining in his companion’s impatience and was inventing reasons for delay, fearful that if Domitian, urged on by evil counselors, laid hands on the command of the army, the arrogance of his age might become a danger to peace and war alike. The victorious legions, the Eighth, Eleventh, and Thirteenth, then the Twenty-first, formerly on Vitellius’ side, and finally the Second, newly raised, were dispatched to Gaul, some by the Pennine and Cottian Alps, the rest by Mount Graius. The Fourteenth legion was summoned from Britain, the Sixth and First from Spain. The Gallic states, at the news of the approaching army and also because they themselves inclined towards a more conciliatory approach, convened in the country of the Remi. The representatives of the Treveri, among them Julius Valentinus, an implacable advocate of war, were there waiting. In a prepared speech, into which he poured all the reproaches that are usually levelled at great empires, Valentinus discharged a barrage of venomous insults against the Roman people. He was an agitator, a mischief-maker, a revolted man, whose frenzied eloquence many admired.
LXIX.
At Iulius Auspex e primoribus Remorum, vim Romanam pacisque bona dissertans et sumi bellum etiam ab ignavis, strenuissimi cuiusque periculo geri, iamque super caput legiones, sapientissimum quemque reverentia fideque, iuniores periculo ac metu continuit: et Valentini animum laudabant, consilium Auspicis sequebantur. constat obstitisse Treviris Lingonibusque apud Gallias, quod Vindicis motu cum Verginio steterant. deterruit plerosque provinciarum aemulatio: quod bello caput? unde ius auspiciumque peteretur? quam, si cuncta provenissent, sedem imperio legerent? nondum victoria, iam discordia erat, aliis foedera, quibusdam opes virisque aut vetustatem originis per iurgia iactantibus: taedio futurorum praesentia placuere. scribuntur ad Treviros epistulae nomine Galliarum ut abstinerent armis, impetrabili venia et paratis deprecatoribus, si paeniteret: restitit idem Valentinus obstruxitque civitatis suae auris, haud perinde instruendo bello intentus quam frequens contionibus.
69.
But Julius Auspex, a chief of the Remi, spoke at length on behalf of Roman power and of the blessings of peace, arguing that even cowards could start a war, but that it was the bravest who must face its dangers and that the legions were already at their doors. He was thus able to bridle their intransigence, the most prudent of the delegates by appealing to their reverence for honor, the young men by representing the dangers and arousing their fears: in the end, all praised the verve of Valentinus, but followed Auspex’ advice. There is no doubt that what made the Treveri and the Lingones suspect in the eyes of the Gauls was their having sided with Verginius Rufus in Vindex’ uprising. Most were put off by the jealousies between provinces: who would be the leader in the war ahead, where was one to look for laws and authority for taking auspices, and what would be the seat of empire if all went well? Victory was not yet won and already there was discord. In their wrangles some tribes boasted of their alliances, others of their resources, their strength, or the antiquity of their origins. Disgust with the future gave a relish for the present state of affairs. Letters were drawn up addressed to the Treveri in the name of the Gallic nations, asking that they refrain from hostile action: they said that pardon might be granted to them by the Romans and that there was a willingness to intercede for them if they repented. Again Valentinus was opposed to anything but war and succeeded in having his compatriots turn a deaf ear to the peace proposal. He was not, however, anywhere near as unrelenting in preparing for war as he was active in addressing public meetings.
LXX.
Igitur non Treviri neque Lingones ceteraeve rebellium civitates pro magnitudine suscepti discriminis agere; ne duces quidem in unum consulere, sed Civilis avia Belgarum circumibat, dum Claudium Labeonem capere aut exturbare nititur; Classicus segne plerumque otium trahens velut parto imperio fruebatur; ne Tutor quidem maturavit superiorem Germaniae ripam et ardua Alpium praesidiis claudere. atque interim unaetvicensima legio Vindonissa, Sextilius Felix cum auxiliariis cohortibus per Raetiam inrupere; accessit ala Singularium excita olim a Vitellio, deinde in partis Vespasiani transgressa. praeerat Iulius Briganticus sorore Civilis genitus, ut ferme acerrima proximorum odia sunt, invisus avunculo infensusque. Tutor Trevirorum copias, recenti Vangionum, Caeracatium, Tribocorum dilectu auctas, veterano pedite atque equite firmavit, corruptis spe aut metu subactis legionariis; qui primo cohortem praemissam a Sextilio Felice interficiunt, mox ubi duces exercitusque Romanus propinquabant, honesto transfugio rediere, secutis Tribocis Vangionibusque et Caeracatibus. Tutor Treviris comitantibus, vitato Mogontiaco, Bingium concessit, fidens loco, quia pontem Navae fluminis abruperat, sed incursu cohortium, quas Sextilius ducebat, et reperto vado proditus fususque. ea clade perculsi Treviri, et plebes omissis armis per agros palatur: quidam principum, ut primi posuisse bellum viderentur, in civitates quae societatem Romanam non exuerant, perfugere. legiones a Novaesio Bonnaque in Treviros, ut supra memoravimus, traductae se ipsae in verba Vespasiani adigunt. haec Valentino absente gesta; qui ubi adventabat furens cunctaque rursus in turbas et exitium conversurus, legiones in Mediomatricos, sociam civitatem, abscessere: Valentinus ac Tutor in arma Treviros retrahunt, occisis Herennio ac Numisio legatis quo minore spe veniae cresceret vinculum sceleris.
70.
Consequently, neither the Treveri nor the Lingones nor the other tribes implicated in the rebellion adopted measures commensurate with the risks of their undertaking. Leaders did not even take common counsel about a plan of action; instead Civilis roved about the trackless regions of the Belgae trying to either capture Claudius Labeo or force him out of Gaul. Classicus was enjoying his position of power as if it were secure, passing most of his time in slothful ease. Tutor himself did not rush to send forces to occupy the upper bank of the Rhine and to block the alpine passes. Yet the twenty-first legion, by way of Vindonissa and Sextilius Felix crossing Raetia with his auxiliary cohorts, were rapidly advancing. They were joined by the squadron of cavalry called ‘The Singulars’, an elite unit called earlier to his aid by Vitellius, which later had gone over to Vespasian’s side. It was commanded by Julius Briganticus, son to a sister of Civilis, who hated him and was hated in return, hatred between relatives being usually fiercest. Tutor augmented the forces of the Treveri with new recruits of the Vangiones, the Triboci, and the Caeracates; then strengthened them with Roman veterans from the legions and the cavalry, whom he had seduced by promises or cowed by threats. These veteran troops first cut down a cohort sent ahead by Sextilius Felix, then, as the Roman generals and their armies drew closer, they went over to them, honorably deserting Tutor. The Triboci, the Vangiones, and the Caeracates followed their example. Tutor with his Treveri avoided Mogontiacum and retired to Bingium. He thought the place safe for he had cut the bridge over the Nava, but, betrayed by the enemy’s discovery of a ford, he was pounced on by the auxiliary infantry led by Sextilius and forced to flee. The Treveri were disheartened by the setback and the common people threw away their weapons and scattered through the countryside. Some of their leaders, to be seen as the first to lay down their arms, took shelters with tribes that had nor repudiated the Roman alliance. The legions that were transferred from Novaesium and Bonna to the country of the Treveri, as I said earlier, took the oath to Vespasian on their own initiative. All was done in Valentinus’ absence; when he returned, furious and ready again to confound all in death and destruction, the legions withdrew among the Mediomatrici, who were friendly to us. Valentinus and Tutor dragged the Treveri back into the war. They had the two legions commanders, Herennius and Numisius, executed to strengthen the bounds that united them in crime by weakening the chances of a pardon.