I.
Initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules erunt. nam post conditam urbem octingentos et viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores rettulerunt, dum res populi Romani memorabantur pari eloquentia ac libertate: postquam bellatum apud Actium atque omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit, magna illa ingenia cessere; simul veritas pluribus modis infracta, primum inscitia rei publicae ut alienae, mox libidine adsentandi aut rursus odio adversus dominantis: ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infensos vel obnoxios. sed ambitionem scriptoris facile averseris, obtrectatio et livor pronis auribus accipiuntur; quippe adulationi foedum crimen servitutis, malignitati falsa species libertatis inest. mihi Galba Otho Vitellius nec beneficio nec iniuria cogniti. dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam non abnuerim: sed incorruptam fidem professis neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est. quod si vita suppeditet, principatum divi Nervae et imperium Traiani, uberiorem securioremque materiam, senectuti seposui, rara temporum felicitate ubi sentire quae velis et quae sentias dicere licet.
1.
My work will begin with the second consulate of Servius Galba with Titus Vinius as his colleague. In fact, many authors have left us records of the past eight hundred and twenty years since the foundation of Rome and, as long as they dealt with the history of the Republic, they did so with a frankness equal to their eloquence. After the battle of Actium, when in the interest of peace all power was invested on one man, these great talents disappeared. At the same time, historical accuracy was violated in many ways: first through unfamiliarity with a novel type of government that was no longer in citizens’ hands, then through love of flattery on one side, or hatred of the ruling despot on the other; as a result, posterity has ben poorly served by both the hostility of some authors and the subservience of others. But while one finds an author’s sycophancy repulsive, aspersion and malice fall on receptive ears. The fact is that to adulation attaches the stigma of servile submissiveness; malignity has the deceptive look of independence. To me, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius were known neither for any benefit nor for any injury I had received. That my political career was opened by Vespasian, advanced by Titus and promoted even further by Domitian, I would not deny, but writers who swear incorruptible fidelity to the truth must speak of anyone without partiality, regardless of their likes and dislikes. If I have enough life remaining, I have reserved for my old age the principate of the divine Nerva and the reign of Trajan, subjects more rewarding and less stressful thanks to the rare felicity of an age in which one may think what one pleases and say what one thinks.
II.
Opus adgredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum. quattuor principes ferro interempti: trina bella civilia, plura externa ac plerumque permixta: prosperae in Oriente, adversae in Occidente res: turbatum Illyricum, Galliae nutantes, perdomita Britannia et statim omissa: coortae in nos Sarmatarum ac Sueborum gentes, nobilitatus cladibus mutuis Dacus, mota prope etiam Parthorum arma falsi Neronis ludibrio. iam vero Italia novis cladibus vel post longam saeculorum seriem repetitis adflicta. haustae aut obrutae urbes, fecundissima Campaniae ora; et urbs incendiis vastata, consumptis, antiquissimis delubris, ipso Capitolio civium manibus incenso. pollutae caerimoniae, magna adulteria: plenum exiliis mare, infecti caedibus scopuli. atrocius in urbe saevitum: nobilitas, opes, omissi gestique honores pro crimine et ob virtutes certissimum exitium. nec minus praemia delatorum invisa quam scelera, cum alii sacerdotia et consulatus ut spolia adepti, procurationes alii et interiorem potentiam, agerent verterent cuncta odio et terrore. corrupti in dominos servi, in patronos liberti; et quibus deerat inimicus per amicos oppressi.
2.
I am taking on a project replete with disasters, full of bloody battles, and turbulent political discord, wherein peace itself had its horrors: four emperors slain, three civil wars, many external wars, and often the two kinds together. There were successes in the East, reverses in the West, unrest in the Illyricum, the loyalty of the Gauls wavering, Britain first subjected then soon lost, the Sarmatian and Suevian nations rising up against us, the Dacian made famous by his defeats and ours, and the Parthians themselves pushed to the verge of war by the imposture of a false Nero. Furthermore, Italy was plagued by calamities never seen before or recurring only at intervals of many centuries: towns swallowed up or buried along Campania’s luxuriant coast, Rome ravaged by fire and her most ancient shrines consumed, the capital itself torched by citizens’ hands, sacred rites profaned, rampant immorality, the sea full of exiles and its very rocks smeared with blood. Worse atrocities yet in the city: nobility, wealth, honours of office – whether accepted or declined – counting as felonies, and a sure death the price of virtue. The rewards of informers were no less despicable then their crimes: some dividing up priesthoods and consulships as so much plunder, others vying for posts as procurators or trying to win influence at the palace, ultimately perverting everything in a climate of hate and fear. Slaves were suborned against their masters, freedmen against patrons, and those who had no enemies were crushed by their friends.
III.
Non tamen adeo virtutum sterile saeculum ut non et bona exempla prodiderit. comitatae profugos liberos matres, secutae maritos in exilia coniuges: propinqui audentes, constantes generi, contumax etiam adversus tormenta servorum fides; supremae clarorum virorum necessitates fortiter toleratae et laudatis antiquorum mortibus pares exitus. praeter multiplicis rerum humanarum casus caelo terraque prodigia et fulminum monitus et futurorum praesagia, laeta tristia, ambigua manifesta; nec enim umquam atrocioribus populi Romani cladibus magisve iustis indiciis adprobatum est non esse curae deis securitatem nostram, esse ultionem.
3.
Yet, the age was not so devoid of virtues as not to exhibit instances of moral excellence as well: mothers accompanied sons in their flight, wives followed husbands into exile, relatives showed courage, sons in law constancy, slaves stubborn loyalty even under torture. Prominent men faced the ultimate test without flinching, their deaths on a par with those celebrated by antiquity. Beside the multiplicity of ills affecting human affairs, there were prodigies in the heavens and on earth, the admonishments of thunder, and portents of things to come – both joyful and sad – at the same time ambiguous and manifest. Never indeed more trials of the Roman people, never signs more convincing proved to the world that, if the gods have no care for our well being, they make it their concern to punish us.
IV.
Ceterum antequam destinata componam, repetendum videtur qualis status urbis, quae mens exercituum, quis habitus provinciarum, quid in toto terrarum orbe validum, quid aegrum fuerit, ut non modo casus eventusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt, sed ratio etiam causaeque noscantur. finis Neronis ut laetus primo gaudentium impetu fuerat, ita varios motus animorum non modo in urbe apud patres aut populum aut urbanum militem, sed omnis legiones ducesque conciverat, evulgato imperii arcano posse principem alibi quam Romae fieri. sed patres laeti, usurpata statim libertate licentius ut erga principem novum et absentem; primores equitum proximi gaudio patrum; pars populi integra et magnis domibus adnexa, clientes libertique damnatorum et exulum in spem erecti: plebs sordida et circo ac theatris sueta, simul deterrimi servorum, aut qui adesis bonis per dedecus Neronis alebantur, maesti et rumorum avidi.
4.
But, before I begin the task set for myself, I think it useful to call to mind what the situation was in Rome, the attitude of the armies, the behaviours of the provinces, what was still valid and what was in need of repair in the empire. This way, not only the facts and events of history may become known – which are for the most part the product of chance – but also their causes and interrelations. The fall of Nero, just as it was welcome in the first outburst of joy, so it had stirred up conflicting emotions in Rome, not only among the senators, the people, and the city militia, but also in the legions and in their commanders, for it revealed a secret of the empire until then hidden, [namely] that a new emperor might be made elsewhere than in Rome. The senators, however, were jubilant: right away they seized on freedom all the more eagerly in that the emperor was new and far removed. The most influential knights reacted more or less like the senators; the sound portion of the people and those with ties to the great houses, together with dependents and freedmen of those condemned or exiled [under Nero] were heartened by new hopes. The sordid rabble, obsessed with circus and theatre, and the dregs of the servile class, as well as all the spendthrifts who, after devouring their fortunes, fed on Nero’s shame, were despondent and hungrily waiting for news.
V.
Miles urbanus longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus et ad destituendum Neronem arte magis et impulsu quam suo ingenio traductus, postquam neque dari donativum sub nomine Galbae promissum neque magnis meritis ac praemiis eundem in pace quem in bello locum praeventamque gratiam intellegit apud principem a legionibus factum, pronus ad novas res scelere insuper Nymphidii Sabini praefecti imperium sibi molientis agitatur. et Nymphidius quidem in ipso conatu oppressus, set quamvis capite defectionis ablato manebat plerisque militum conscientia, nec deerant sermones senium atque avaritiam Galbae increpantium. laudata olim et militari fama celebrata severitas eius angebat aspernantis veterem disciplinam atque ita quattuordecim annis a Nerone adsuefactos ut haud minus vitia principum amarent quam olim virtutes verebantur. accessit Galbae vox pro re publica honesta, ipsi anceps, legi a se militem, non emi; nec enim ad hanc formam cetera erant.
5.
The urban militia, long attached by its oath to the Caesars, had been induced to abandon Nero more by intrigue and the encouragement of others than by inclination. They now realized that the donative promised in the name of Galba was not to be given them and that peace did not offer the same scope for the same services and rewards as war did. Knowing also that the affections of a prince chosen by the legions were already engaged, they were not averse to radical change. Another cause of unrest among them was the treachery of Nymphidius Sabinus, their prefect, who was scheming to seize the throne for himself. True enough, Nymphidius was killed [by them] in the very attempt, but the conscience of complicity remained in most of them, even after their leader was removed. Besides, the number of those who inveighed against Galba’s old age and avarice was anything but small. His severity, once admired and highly esteemed by the soldiery, now irritated troops intolerant of the old discipline and so influenced by fourteen years under Nero, that now they loved their emperors’ vices hardly less than they revered their virtues. To make matters worse, Galba stated, with words that were honourable for the state but perilous for himself, that he was wont to choose his soldiers, not to buy them, when in fact in other matters he fell quite short of his own mark.
VI.
Invalidum senem Titus Vinius et Cornelius Laco, alter deterrimus mortalium, alter ignavissimus, odio flagitiorum oneratum contemptu inertiae destruebant. tardum Galbae iter et cruentum, interfectis Cingonio Varrone consule designato et Petronio Turpiliano consulari: ille ut Nymphidii socius, hic ut dux Neronis, inauditi atque indefensi tamquam innocentes perierant. introitus in urbem trucidatis tot milibus inermium militum infaustus omine atque ipsis etiam qui occiderant formidolosus. inducta legione Hispana, remanente ea quam e classe Nero conscripserat, plena urbs exercitu insolito; multi ad hoc numeri e Germania ac Britannia et Illyrico, quos idem Nero electos praemissosque ad claustra Caspiarum et bellum, quod in Albanos parabat, opprimendis Vindicis coeptis revocaverat: ingens novis rebus materia, ut non in unum aliquem prono favore ita audenti parata.
6.
Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco, one the most wicked, the other the most slothful of mortals, were destroying the feeble old emperor by making him bear the discredit for the crimes [of the one] and the contempt for the inertness [of the other]. Galba’s journey [to Rome form Spain] was slow and bloody: the consul-elect Cingonius Varus and the ex-consul Petronius Turpilianus were put to death, the first as Nymphidius’ accomplice, the second as one of Nero’s field commanders. Both died without either being heard or defended, thus innocent [in the eyes of the world]. His entry into Rome was made sinister by the butchery of so many defenceless soldiers, which terrified even those who did the killing. With a legion brought into the city from Spain and the one Nero had recruited from the fleet already there, Rome was full of unusual troops, which were augmented by numerous contingents from Germany, Britain, and Illyricum. Nero, again, had chosen them and had sent them on ahead to the Caspian portals and to the war he was preparing against the Albani, but had soon recalled them to stamp out Vindex’ insurrection. It was a vast breeding ground for revolution [this massed soldiery]: just as it did not favour anyone in particular, so it was at the disposal of anyone brave enough to take the plunge.
VII.
Forte congruerat ut Clodii Macri et Fontei Capitonis caedes nuntiarentur. Macrum in Africa haud dubie turbantem Trebonius Garutianus procurator iussu Galbae, Capitonem in Germania, cum similia coeptaret, Cornelius Aquinus et Fabius Valens legati legionum interfecerant antequam iuberentur. fuere qui crederent Capitonem ut avaritia et libidine foedum ac maculosum ita cogitatione rerum novarum abstinuisse, sed a legatis bellum suadentibus, postquam impellere nequiverint, crimen ac dolum ultro compositum, et Galbam mobilitate ingenii, an ne altius scrutaretur, quoquo modo acta, quia mutari non poterant, comprobasse. ceterum utraque caedes sinistre accepta, et inviso semel principi seu bene seu male facta parem invidiam adferebant. venalia cuncta, praepotentes liberti, servorum manus subitis avidae et tamquamm apud senem festinantes, eademque novae aulae mala, aeque gravia, non aeque excusata. ipsa aetas Galbae inrisui ac fastidio erat adsuetis iuventae Neronis et imperatores forma ac decore corporis, ut est mos vulgi, comparantibus.
7.
It chanced that the executions of Clodius Macer and Fonteius Capito were reported at the same time. Macer, who most probably was stirring up troubles in Africa, was killed by the procurator Trebonius Garutianus on Galba’s orders; Capito, who had similar ambitions in Germany, was assassinated by Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens – both commanders of legions – before they had orders to do so. Some believed that Capito, indelibly stained by greed and lust though he was, had never entertained any thoughts of revolution, but the two legates, who had urged him to start a war, being unable to persuade him, had themselves concocted the charge of sedition. Galba, [it was said], whether from chronic indecisiveness or to avoid probing too deeply, had approved the deed, however done, since it could not be altered. But the murders were regarded with grave disfavor, and, the prince having fallen from grace once, his conduct, whether good or bad, now earned him equal condemnation. Everything was for sale, his freedmen were all-powerful, and the greedy hands of his slaves grasped at new opportunities, now suddenly within reach, with predictable urgency, considering Galba’s advanced years. The abuses of the new court remained the same [as in the old], equally offensive, not equally excusable. Galba’s very age was object of ridicule and disgust to those who were accustomed to Nero’s youth and who judged emperors – as is the populace’s custom – by their good looks and physical grace.
VIII.
Et hic quidem Romae, tamquam in tanta multitudine, habitus animorum fuit. e provinciis Hispaniae praeerat Cluvius Rufus, vir facundus et pacis artibus, bellis inexpertus. Galliae super memoriam Vindicis obligatae recenti dono Romanae civitatis et in posterum tributi levamento. proximae tamen Germanicis exercitibus Galliarum civitates non eodem honore habitae, quaedam etiam finibus ademptis pari dolore commoda aliena ac suas iniurias metiebantur. Germanici exercitus, quod periculosissimum in tantis viribus, solliciti et irati, superbia recentis victoriae et metu tamquam alias partis fovissent. tarde a Nerone desciverant, nec statim pro Galba Verginius. an imperare noluisset dubium: delatum ei a milite imperium conveniebat. Fonteium Capitonem occisum etiam qui queri non poterant, tamen indignabantur. dux deerat abducto Verginio per simulationem amicitiae; quem non remitti atque etiam reum esse tamquam suum crimen accipiebant.
8.
This was the state of mind in Rome, as far as can be said in general of such a vast multitude. As for the provinces, Cluvius Rufus was governor of Spain, an eloquent orator of great political talents, but without military experience. The Gallic provinces were bound to [Galba] both by the memory of Vindex and the recent gift of Roman citizenship, together with the reduction of the tribute for the years to come. The Gallic states nearest the armies of Germany, however, had not received the same consideration and some were even deprived of parts of their territory. They measured with equal resentment the advantages of others and their own injuries. The armies of Germany were restless and angry, a very dangerous mood considering their might. They felt pride in their recent victory [against Vindex}, yet they were anxious for appearing to have supported the wrong side. They had hesitated to abandon Nero and Verginius [Rufus, their commander] had not declared immediately for Galba. That he had desired to be emperor is doubtful, but it was clear that the troops had offered him the throne. The execution of Fonteius Capito shocked even those who had no reason to complain. They were now without a leader, since Verginius had been recalled [to Rome] under pretense of friendship. That he had not returned and was even charged they interpreted as an indictment against themselves.
IX.
Superior exercitus legatum Hordeonium Flaccum spernebat, senecta ac debilitate pedum invalidum, sine constantia, sine auctoritate: ne quieto quidem milite regimen; adeo furentes infirmitate retinentis ultro accendebantur. inferioris Germaniae legiones diutius sine consulari fuere, donec missu Galbae A. Vitellius aderat, censoris Vitellii ac ter consulis filius: id satis videbatur. in Britannico exercitu nihil irarum. non sane aliae legiones per omnis civilium bellorum motus innocentius egerunt, seu quia procul et Oceano divisae, seu crebris expeditionibus doctae hostem potius odisse. quies et Illyrico, quamquam excitae a Nerone legiones, dum in Italia cunctantur, Verginium legationibus adissent: sed longis spatiis discreti exercitus, quod saluberrimum est ad continendam militarem fidem, nec vitiis nec viribus miscebantur.
9.
The army of Upper Germany detested their commander Hordeonius Flaccus, whom age and gout had rendered invalid, a man lacking firmness and authority. His control over even the most tractable of troops was ineffectual: his soldiers, an incredibly unmanageable lot, were further exacerbated by his feeble attempts at enforcing discipline. The legions of Lower Germany were left rather long without a consular commander, until Galba sent Aulus Vitellius, the son of the censor and three times consul Vitellius, a qualification that seemed sufficient. In the army of Britain there were no signs of discontent. Indeed, no other legions, during the entire upheaval of the civil wars, behaved more responsibly than they did, either because they were far away and kept isolated by the sea or because they had been taught by frequent campaigns to hate the enemy more [than their fellow citizens]. Illyricum also was quiet, though its legions, summoned by Nero, while awaiting orders in Italy, had sent representatives to Verginius. Yet, separated by great distances –the safest method of preserving loyalty among troops – these armies had no way of combining either their strength or their vices.
X.
Oriens adhuc immotus. Syriam et quattuor legiones obtinebat Licinius Mucianus, vir secundis adversisque iuxta famosus. insignis amicitias iuvenis ambitiose coluerat; mox attritis opibus, lubrico statu, suspecta etiam Claudii iracundia, in secretum Asiae sepositus tam prope ab exule fuit quam postea a principe. luxuria industria, comitate adrogantia, malis bonisque artibus mixtus: nimiae voluptates, cum vacaret; quotiens expedierat, magnae virtutes: palam laudares, secreta male audiebant: sed apud subiectos, apud proximos, apud collegas variis inlecebris potens, et cui expeditius fuerit tradere imperium quam obtinere. bellum Iudaicum Flavius Vespasianus (ducem eum Nero delegerat) tribus legionibus administrabat. nec Vespasiano adversus Galbam votum aut animus: quippe Titum filium ad venerationem cultumque eius miserat, ut suo loco memorabimus. occulta fati et ostentis ac responsis destinatum Vespasiano liberisque eius imperium post fortunam credidimus.
10.
The East as yet was calm. Syria and its four legions were under the command of Licinius Mucianus, a man equally famous for his good as well as for his evil fortune. As a youth, moved by ambition, he had cultivated the friendship of prominent men. Soon his patrimony was gone, his situation slippery, and he also had reasons to suspect that Claudius was hostile to him, so he retired to a remote corner of Asia, as close to being an exile as later he was to being an emperor. He was a mixture of dissipation and industry, of urbanity and arrogance, of defects and virtues. An immoderate pleasure seeker when he had time and leisure, a highly resourceful man when action was called for. His public life was praiseworthy, his private life deplorable. Nonetheless, over subordinates, friends, colleagues he had amazing powers of seduction, [yet] he was someone who would find it more expedient to give the empire to another than to hold it himself. Flavius Vespasianus, whom Nero has appointed as commander, conducted the war in Judea with three legions. Against Galba Vespasian felt no jealousy or animosity, in fact he had sent his son Titus to salute him and show homage, as I shall relate in its proper place. It was only after Vespasian’s triumph that we lent credence to the mysterious workings of fate and to that ascent to power foreordained for him and his sons by prodigies and oracles.