XXXI.
Dilapsis speculatoribus cetera cohors non aspernata contionantem, ut turbidis rebus evenit, forte magis et nullo adhuc consilio rapit signa [quam], quod postea creditum est, insidiis et simulatione. missus et Celsus Marius ad electos Illyrici exercitus, Vipsania in porticu tendentis; praeceptum Amullio Sereno et Domitio Sabino primipilaribus, ut Germanicos milites e Libertatis atrio accerserent. legioni classicae diffidebatur, infestae ob caedem commilitonum, quos primo statim introitu trucidaverat Galba. pergunt etiam in castra praetorianorum tribuni Cetrius Severus, Subrius Dexter, Pompeius Longinus, si incipiens adhuc et necdum adulta seditio melioribus consiliis flecteretur. tribunorum Subrium et Cetrium adorti milites minis, Longinum manibus coercent exarmantque, quia non ordine militiae, sed e Galbae amicis, fidus principi suo et desciscentibus suspectior erat. legio classica nihil cunctata praetorianis adiungitur; Illyrici exercitus electi Celsum infestis pilis proturbant. Germanica vexilla diu nutavere, invalidis adhuc corporibus et placatis animis, quod eos a Nerone Alexandriam praemissos atque inde rursus longa navigatione aegros impensiore cura Galba refovebat.
31.
The soldiers of the bodyguard had stolen off, but the rest of the cohort was receptive to Piso’s speech. They seized their standards, reacting on impulse – as always happens in times of confusion – without having a specific plan, rather than trying to mask their treachery, as it was later believed. Celsius Marius was dispatched to the elite troops of the Illyrian army encamped in the Vipsanian portico. Amulius Serenus and Domitius Sabinus, both senior centurions, were instructed to bring up the German contingent from the Hall of Liberty. The marine legion was not trusted, being hostile to Galba on account of the summary slaughter of their comrades when he first entered the city. The tribunes Cetrius Severus, Subrius Dexter, and Pompeius Longinus even went to the praetorian camp on the chance that the revolt, newly started and still weak, might be averted by sounder counsel. Of these tribunes, Subrius and Cetrius received no worse treatment from the soldiers than violent threats, but Longinus was manhandled and disarmed, not because of his rank in the army, but because he was Galba’s friend and loyal to the prince, therefore more suspect to the rebels. The marine legion lost no time to join the praetorians. The picked troops of the Illyrian army chased Celsus away at the point of their javelins. The German contingent remained undecided for a long while. At that time they were in poor shape physically, but had no reason to complain of Galba, for after Nero had sent them on to Alexandria and they had fallen ill from the long return voyage, Galba was nursing them back to health with unstinting care.
XXXII.
Vniversa iam plebs Palatium implebat, mixtis servitiis et dissono clamore caedem Othonis et coniuratorum exitium poscentium ut si in circo aut theatro ludicrum aliquod postularent: neque illis iudicium aut veritas, quippe eodem die diversa pari certamine postulaturis, sed tradito more quemcumque principem adulandi licentia adclamationum et studiis inanibus. Interim Galbam duae sententiae distinebat: Titus Vinius manendum intra domum, opponenda servitia, firmandos aditus, non eundum ad iratos censebat: daret malorum paenitentiae, daret bonorum consensui spatium: scelera impetu, bona consilia mora valescere, denique eundi ultro, si ratio sit, eandem mox facultatem, regressum, si paeniteat, inaliena potestate.
32.
Now the entire populace, with throngs of slaves joining in, filled the palace, and, with confused clamor, called for the death of Otho and the slaughter of the conjurers, as if they were asking for some sort of entertainment at the circus or the theater. Not a hint of judgment or sincerity in them, for later that same day they would demand just the opposite with equal passion. They merely followed their custom of flattering whatever prince was in power with wild acclamations and heedless enthusiasm. Meanwhile Galba was divided between two conflicting opinions: Titus Vinius thought it was best to remain inside the palace, to use the slaves for its defense, to barricade the entryways, and to refrain from going out and face the soldiers’ anger. Galba, [he argued], must give the rebels time to come to their senses, the loyal forces time to reach a consensus. Crimes profit from speed, good counsel from delay. After all, Galba could always go out later on, if he chose and if there were good reasons for it, whereas the possibility of retreat, if he [went now and then] regretted it, would depend on others.
XXXIII.
Festinandum ceteris videbatur antequam cresceret invalida adhuc coniuratio paucorum: trepidaturum etiam Othonem, qui furtim digressus, ad ignaros inlatus, cunctatione nunc et segnitia terentium tempus imitari principem discat. non expectandum ut compositis castris forum invadat et prospectante Galba Capitolium adeat, dum egregius imperator cum fortibus amicis ianua ac limine tenus domum cludit, obsidionem nimirum toleraturus. et praeclarum in servis auxilium si consensus tantae multitudinis et, quae plurimum valet, prima indignatio elanguescat. proinde intuta quae indecora; vel si cadere necesse sit, occurrendum discrimini: id Othoni invidiosius et ipsis honestum. repugnantem huic sententiae Vinium Laco minaciter invasit, stimulante Icelo privati odii pertinacia in publicum exitium.
33.
All the others thought that Galba ought to act without delay before the conspiracy of a few, until then weak, should gain strength. Otho himself, [they said], would be in a state of panic. After stealing away [from the temple] and being bundled off to a group of strangers, he was at that moment learning to act the prince, thanks to the time they wasted doing nothing. They must not wait for Otho to invade the Forum, once he had the camp under control, and ascend the Capitol under Galba’s nose, while a great emperor with his courtiers –fearless men so long as they kept within doors—bolted his house, ready, of course, to brave a siege. What a bulwark they would have in their slaves, if they allowed the unanimous support of the multitude in their first –and stongest—burst of indignation to fade! Clearly then, the cowardly way was also the riskiest. Even if they had to die, they must go out and face the danger. That would make Otho more hateful and themselves admirable. As Vinius kept opposing this plan, Laco lashed out at him, prodded by Icelus, whose personal hatred of Vinius was implacable and ruinous to all.
XXXIV.
Nec diutius Galba cunctatus speciosiora suadentibus accessit. praemissus tamen in castra Piso, ut iuvenis magno nomine, recenti favore et infensus Tito Vinio, seu quia erat seu quia irati ita volebant: et facilius de odio creditur. vixdum egresso Pisone occisum in castris Othonem vagus primum et incertus rumor: mox, ut in magnis mendaciis, interfuisse se quidam et vidisse adfirmabant, credula fama inter gaudentis et incuriosos. multi arbitrabantur compositum auctumque rumorem mixtis iam Othonianis, qui ad evocandum Galbam laeta falso vulgaverint.
34.
Without further hesitation, Galba sided with those whose arguments were more compelling. He had Piso, however, precede him to the camp, because he was young, of high birth, fresh in people’s favor, and hostile to Titus Vinius. This enmity was either real or Vinius’ opponents wanted it so in their anger. Besides, hatred invites belief more readily than other sentiments. Piso had hardly left the palace, when the rumor spread of Otho’s murder in the camp. At first the rumor was vague and uncertain, then, as in all great impostures, some came forward claiming to have witnessed the murder on the spot. The tale gained easy credit with a public seeking diversion and not too inquisitive. Many believed the rumor had been contrived and magnified by Otho’s supporters mingling with the crowds and falsely circulating the welcome news in order to entice Galba out of the palace.
XXXV.
Tum vero non populus tantum et imperita plebs in plausus et immodica studia sed equitum plerique ac senatorum, posito metu incauti, refractis Palatii foribus ruere intus ac se Galbae ostentare, praereptam sibi ultionem querentes, ignavissimus quisque et, ut res docuit, in periculo non ausurus, nimii verbis, linguae feroces; nemo scire et omnes adfirmare, donec inopia veri et consensu errantium victus sumpto thorace Galba inruenti turbae neque aetate neque corpore [re]sistens sella levaretur. obvius in Palatio Iulius Atticus speculator, cruentum gladium ostentans, occisum a se Othonem exclamavit; et Galba “commilito”, inquit, “quis iussit?” insigni animo ad coercendam militarem licentiam, minantibus intrepidus, adversus blandientis incorruptus.
35.
At this point it was not only the people and the inept rabble that joined in the acclamations and in the extravagant displays of zeal, but many of the knights and senators. Discarding all caution after losing their fears, they broke down the doors of the palace and rushed inside to show themselves to Galba and protest that revenge had been stolen from them. The most blatant cowards and, as it later turned out, the least capable of any spark of courage in time of danger, were boldest with words, fiercest with their tongues. No one knew anything, yet all were adamant. In the end, prevailed upon by the absence of factual information and by the general delusion around him, Galba put on his breastplate [and prepared to leave]. Being too old and too weak to resist the pressure of the crowds, he was lifted in a chair. Julius Atticus, one of the bodyguards, met him while still in the palace and showing his blood-stained sword cried out that he had killed Otho. ‘On whose orders, soldier?’ asked Galba. He had unbending resolve in curbing the soldiers’ excesses and was as fearless before threats as he was inaccessible to flattery
XXXVI.
Haud dubiae iam in castris omnium mentes tantusque ardor ut non contenti agmine et corporibus in suggestu, in quo paulo ante aurea Galbae statua fuerat, medium inter signa Othonem vexillis circumdarent. nec tribunis aut centurionibus adeundi locus: gregarius miles caveri insuper praepositos iubebat. strepere cuncta clamoribus et tumultu et exhortatione mutua, non tamquam in populo ac plebe, variis segni adulatione vocibus, sed ut quemque adfluentium militum aspexerant, prensare manibus, complecti armis, conlocare iuxta, praeire sacramentum, modo imperatorem militibus, modo milites imperatori commendare, nec deerat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum, iacere oscula et omnia serviliter pro dominatione. postquam universa classicorum legio sacramentum eius accepit, fidens viribus, et quos adhuc singulos extimulaverat, accendendos in commune ratus pro vallo castorum ita coepit.
36.
There was no longer any doubt as to the troops’ sentiments in the barracks. Such was their fervor that, not content with crowding around Otho and lending him their shoulders, they placed him on the platform where just before had stood the gilded statue of Galba and there, amid the standards, they surrounded him with their banners. Neither tribunes nor centurions were permitted to approach him and the common soldiery even warned one another to keep an eye on the officers. The entire camp resounded with cries, tumult, and mutual exhortations, quite unlike the uneven hubbub and perfunctory adulation of the populace or of mobs. Instead, whenever the soldiers spotted one of their comrades in the crowd streaming in to join their side, they grasped him by the hands, threw their arms around him, led him to the platform [where Otho was], and rehearsed with him the oath of allegiance, now recommending the emperor to the soldiers, now the soldiers to the emperor. On his side Otho was not behindhand in playing his part: he stretched out his hands to the crowds, paid homage to them, blew kisses, and played the slave in order to become master. Once the marine legion had finished taking the oath, he felt more assured of his strength and judging he should rouse as a body those he had so far incited as individuals, standing before the rampart, he began his harangue in these terms:
XXXVII.
“Quis ad vos processerim commilitones, dicere non possum, quia nec privatum me vocare sustineo princeps a vobis nominatus, nec principem alio imperante. vestrum quoque nomen in incerto erit donec dubitabitur imperatorem populi Romani in castris an hostem habeatis. auditisne ut poena mea et supplicium vestrum simul postulentur? adeo manifestum est neque perire nos neque salvos esse nisi una posse; et cuius lenitatis est Galba, iam fortasse promisit, ut qui nullo exposcente tot milia innocentissimorum militum trucidaverit. horror animum subit quotiens recordor feralem introitum et hanc solam Galbae victoriam, cum in oculis urbis decimari deditos iuberet, quos deprecantis in fidem acceperat. his auspiciis urbem ingressus, quam gloriam ad principatum attulit nisi occisi Obultronii Sabini et Cornelii Marcelli in Hispania, Betui Cilonis in Gallia, Fontei Capitonis in Germania, Clodii Macri in Africa, Cingonii in via, Turpiliani in urbe, Nymphidii in castris? quae usquam provincia, quae castra sunt nisi cruenta et maculata aut, ut ipse praedicat, emendata et correcta? nam quae alii scelera, hic remedia vocat, dum falsis nominibus severitatem pro saevitia, parsimoniam pro avaritia, supplicia et contumelias vestras disciplinam appellat. septem a Neronis fine menses sunt, et iam plus rapuit Icelus quam quod Polycliti et Vatinii et Aegiali perdiderunt. minore avaritia ac licentia grassatus esset T. Vinius si ipse imperasset: nunc et subiectos nos habuit tamquam suos et vilis ut alienos. una illa domus sufficit donativo quod vobis numquam datur et cotidie exprobratur.”
37.
‘Comrades, in coming before you I cannot say who I am, for I consider myself neither a private citizen, since you have named me prince, nor a prince as long as someone else sits on the throne. Your own name will be in doubt as long as the question remains whether you have in your camp an emperor or an enemy. Do you hear how they clamor for both my death and your punishment? So it is clear that we can only perish or be saved together. Probably Galba has already promised [our elimination], being a man of such exceptional leniency that he massacred, without anyone demanding it, so many thousands of most innocent soldiers. Horror fills my heart each time I call to mind his calamitous entry into Rome and this massacre, his only victory, when in view of the whole city he ordered the decimation of men who had surrendered to him, pleading for mercy, and for whose safety he had given his word. After he entered the city under these auspices, what glory did he bring to the principate, except the murder of Obultronius Sabinus and of Cornelius Marcellus in Spain, of Betuus Cilo in Gaul, of Fronteius Capito in Germany, of Clodius Macer in Africa, of Cingonius on his way hither, of Turpilianus in Rome, of Nymphidius in this camp? Is there a province anywhere which he has not stained with blood or, as he puts it, purged by correction? For he calls remedies what others call crimes, and just as improperly he refers to his cruelty as severity, to his avarice as parsimony, and to the abuse and insults you receive as discipline. It is now seven months since Nero’s fall and already Icelus has stolen more than any Polyclitus, Vatinius, and Aegialus ever squandered away. Even Titus Vinius would have used more restraint in his greed and excesses if he had been emperor; as matters stand, he has held us in subjection as if we were his property and despises us for belonging to another. His house alone is sufficient to provide the donative which is never given you, but is dayly flung in your faces.
XXXVIII.
“Ac ne qua saltem in successore Galbae spes esset accersit ab exilio quem tristitia et avaritia sui simillimum iudicabat. vidistis, commilitones, notabili tempestate etiam deos infaustam adoptionem aversantis. idem senatus, idem populi Romani animus est: vestra virtus expectatur, apud quos omne honestis consiliis robur et sine quibus quamvis egregia invalida sunt. non ad bellum vos nec ad periculum voco: omnium militum arma nobiscum sunt. nec una cohors togata defendit nunc Galbam sed detinet: cum vos aspexerit, cum signum meum accceperit, hoc solum erit certamen, quis mihi plurimum imputet. nullus cunctationis locus est in eo consilio quod non potest laudari nisi peractum.” aperire deinde armamentarium iussit. rapta statim arma, sine more et ordine militiae, ut praetorianus aut legionarius insignibus suis distingueretur: miscentur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque, nullo tribunorum centurionumve adhortante, sibi quisque dux et instigator; et praecipuum pessimorum incitamentum quod boni maerebant.
38.
‘To make sure you have no hope even in his successor, Galba has summoned from exile the man whose somber temper and avarice he judged most like his own. You saw, comrades, that the gods themselves signified their disapproval of that unlucky adoption by a memorable storm. Even the Senate, even the Roman people share our sentiments. They count now on your valor: in you is all the strength required by noble undertakings; without you they are destined to fail, however meritorious they may be. I am calling you not to war or to danger: all Roman armies are with us. A single cohort in civilian clothes does not defend Galba, but rather detains him. As soon as they see you, as soon as they hear from me the password, the only fighting that will occur will be a contest as to who will oblige me most. There is no room for hesitation in a venture that can only be praised after it has succeeded.’ Then he gave orders to open the arsenal. Arms were seized in haste without regard to established miltary custom and procedures that made it possible to tell praetorian from legionary soldiers by the insignia they wore. Helmets and shields were grabbed pell-mell, though they were meant for auxiliary troops, with no tribune or centurion intervening to keep order. Each man was his own guide and instigator and the main excitement for the wicked to misbehave was the consternation of the decent few.
XXXIX.
Iam exterritus Piso fremitu crebrescentis seditionis et vocibus in urbem usque resonantibus, egressum interim Galbam et foro adpropinquantem adsecutus erat; iam Marius Celsus haud laeta rettulerat, cum alii in Palatium redire, alii Capitolium petere, plerique rostra occupanda censerent, plures tantum sententiis aliorum contra dicerent, utque evenit in consiliis infelicibus, optima viderentur quorum tempus effugerat. agitasse Laco ignaro Galba de occidendo Tito Vinio dicitur, sive ut poena eius animos militum mulceret, seu conscium Othonis credebat, ad postremum vel odio. haesitationem attulit tempus ac locus, quia initio caedis orto difficilis modus; et turbavere consilium trepidi nuntii ac proximorum diffugia, languentibus omnium studiis qui primo alacres fidem atque animum ostentaverant.
39.
Piso was now frightened by the mounting roar of the insurgency and the shouts that resounded as far as the city. He had rejoined Galba, who meanwhile had left the palace and was approaching the Forum. Marius Celsus had by now returned with the grim news from the camp and some were in favor of retreating to the palace, some for gaining the Capitol, many for occupying the rostra in the Forum, but the majority were content with opposing the suggestions of others. As is always the case in desperate situations, the best plans seemed those for which the opportunity had passed. It is said that Laco considered killing Titus Vinius behind Galba’s back, either to soothe the soldiers’ anger by his murser, or because he believed him to be Otho’s accomplice, or ultimately because he hated him. Time and place, however, made him reconsider, for a massacre once started can easily get out of control. The plan was also upset by a stream of alarming news and the desertion of his closest associates. The ardor of all those who at the beginning had made a show of their loyalty and courage was now dwindling away.
XL.
Agebatur huc illuc Galba vario turbae fluctuantis impulsu, completis undique basilicis ac templis, lugubri prospectu. neque populi aut plebis ulla vox, sed attoniti vultus et conversae ad omnia aures; non tumultus, non quies, quale magni metus et magnae irae silentium est. Othoni tamen armari plebem nuntiabatur; ire praecipitis et occupare pericula iubet. igitur milites Romani, quasi Vologaesum aut Pacorum avito Arsacidarum solio depulsuri ac non imperatorem suum inermem et senem trucidare pergerent, disiecta plebe, proculcato senatu, truces armis, rapidi equis forum inrumpunt. nec illos Capitolii aspectus et imminentium templorum religio et priores et futuri principes terruere quo minus facerent scelus cuius ultor est quisquis successit.
40.
Galba was being pushed here and there by the uneven swaying of the multitude. Crowds filled the public halls and the temples, a cheerless spectacle everywhere. Not one word from the people, even the rabble was mute: all looked on with dismay in thir faces, attentive to every sound. There was no tumult, but neither was there quiet, rather the silence of great fears and great angers. Yet Otho was told that the populace was being armed, so he ordered his men to intervene at once and get ahead of danger. Then Roman soldiers, bristling with arms as if they were about to overthrow a Vologaesus or a Pacorus from the ancestral throne of the Arsacidae and not on their way to slaughter their own emperor, an old and defenceless man, dispersed the populace, trampled senators underfoot and burst into the Forum at full gallop. Neither the sight of the Capitol, nor the sanctity of the temples that dominate the Forum, nor the thought of past and future emperors deterred them from perpetrating a crime which anyone succeding to the throne, whoever he might be, must ultimately avenge.