XLI.
Viso comminus armatorum agmine vexillarius comitatae Galbam cohortis (Atilium Vergilionem fuisse tradunt) dereptam Galbae imaginem solo adflixit: eo signo manifesta in Othonem omnium militum studia, desertum fuga populi forum, destricta adversus dubitantis tela. iuxta Curtii lacum trepidatione ferentium Galba proiectus e sella ac provolutus est. extremam eius vocem, ut cuique odium aut admiratio fuit, varie prodidere. alii suppliciter interrogasse quid mali meruisset, paucos dies exolvendo donativo deprecatum: plures obtulisse ultro percussoribus iugulum: agerent ac ferirent, si ita [e] re publica videretur. non interfuit occidentium quid diceret. de percussore non satis constat: quidam Terentium evocatum, alii Laecanium; crebrior fama tradidit Camurium quintae decimae legionis militem impresso gladio iugulum eius hausisse. ceteri crura brachiaque (nam pectus tegebatur) foede laniavere; pleraque vulnera feritate et saevitia trunco iam corpori adiecta.
41.
When the standard bearer of the cohort escorting Galba (they say his name was Atilius Vergilio) saw the armed bands of soldiers swiftly approaching, he tore Galba’s effigy [from the staff] and threw it on the ground. With that gesture it became clear that the favor of all the soldiers was on Otho’s side. The multitude scattered and emptied the Forum: any who lingered were driven off at sword’s point. Near the lake of Curtius, the panic of his bearers threw Galba from his chair and caused him to roll on the ground. Of his last words accounts differ, depending on the teller’s hate or admiration for Galba. Some say he asked in a suppliant voice what harm he had done, entreating to be accorded a few days to pay off the donative. A larger number say he voluntarily offered his throat to the murderers, inviting them to go ahead and strike, if that seemed best for the country. What he said meant nothing to his assassins. As to the man who actually killed him, little is known. Some say it was Terentius, a reenlisted veteran, some Laecanius. More frequently mentioned is Camurius, a soldier of the Fifteenth Legion who is said to have plunged his sword in Galba’s throat. Others savagely mangled Galba’s legs and arms, for his chest was protected [by the breastplate]. Most of the wounds were inflicted with bestial doggedness after the head was cut off.
XLII.
Titum inde Vinium invasere, de quo et ipso ambigitur consumpseritne vocem eius instans metus, an proclamaverit non esse ab Othone mandatum ut occideretur. quod seu finxit formidine seu conscientiam coniurationis confessus est, huc potius eius vita famaque inclinat, ut conscius sceleris fuerit cuius causa erat. ante aedem divi Iulii iacuit primo ictu in poplitem, mox ab Iulio Caro legionario milite in utrumque latus transverberatus.
42.
Next they fell upon Titus Vinius, whose death is also the subject of much debate. Did extreme fear of instant death really deprive him of speech, [as some say], or did he cry out that the order to have him killed could not have come from Otho, [as others maintain]? Either that was something he made up in his distress, or he was confessing his complicity in the coup. His life and reputation incline us rather to believe the latter possibility, namely that he was involved in a crime which he himself had brought about. He fell before the temple of the divine Julius, first from a wound at the knee-joint, then the legionary Julius Carus ran him right through the body.
XLIII.
Insignem illa die virum Sempronium Densum aetas nostra vidit. centurio is praetoriae cohortis, a Galba custodiae Pisonis additus, stricto pugione occurrens armatis et scelus exprobrans ac modo manu modo voce vertendo in se percussores quamquam vulnerato Pisoni effugium dedit. Piso in aedem Vestae pervasit, exceptusque misericordia publici servi et contubernio eius abditus non religione nec caerimoniis sed latebra inminens exitium differebat, cum advenere missu Othonis nominatim in caedem eius ardentis Sulpicius Florus e Britannicis cohortibus, nuper a Galba civitate donatus, et Statius Murcus speculator, a quibus protractus Piso in foribus templi trucidatur.
43.
Our generation saw that day one man capable of self-sacrifice, Sempronius Densus, a centurion of the praetorian cohort assigned to protect Piso. Dagger in hand, he ran to meet the armed men, berating them for their crime, and, now by his shouting, now by his gesturing, he managed to attract the aggressors’ attention to himself, giving Piso a chance to escape. Though wounded, Piso was able to reach the temple of Vesta, where a compassionate public slave gave him shelter by concealing him in his cubicle. It was not the awe of the sacred place and its worship, but the meaness of his hideaway that delayed his imminent ruin at the hand of Sulpicius Florus, a British auxiliary recently granted citizenship by Galba, and of Statius Marcus, a bodyguard, both expressly sent by Otho, who was hankering for Piso’s death. They dragged him to the entrance of the temple and there they murdered him.
XLIV.
Nullam caedem Otho maiore laetitia excepisse, nullum caput tam insatiabilibus oculis perlustrasse dicitur, seu tum primum levata omni sollicitudine mens vacare gaudio coeperat, seu recordatio maiestatis in Galba, amicitiae in Tito Vinio quamvis immitem animum imagine tristi confuderat, Pisonis ut inimici et aemuli caede laetari ius fasque credebat. praefixa contis capita gestabantur inter signa cohortium iuxta aquilam legionis, certatim ostentantibus cruentas manus qui occiderant, qui interfuerant, qui vere qui falso ut pulchrum et memorabile facinus iactabant. plures quam centum viginti libellos praemium exposcentium ob aliquam notabilem illa die operam Vitellius postea invenit, omnisque conquiri et interfici iussit, non honori Galbae, sed tradito principibus more munimentum ad praesens, in posterum ultionem.
44.
They say that no death gave Otho more pleasure, no head held his gaze so insatiably [as Piso’s did]. Perhaps his mind, relieved for the first time of disquiet, had then become free to savor his triumph. Perhaps the memory of Galba’s regal status and Titus Vinius’ friendship had troubled his heart, however callous, with sombre images: but to rejoice over the murder of Piso, an enemy and a rival, was not contrary, he thought, to human and divine law. Fixed on poles, the three heads were carried among the standards, side by side with the eagle of the [marine] legion. Those who had done the killing jostled each other in their eagerness to show their blood-stained hands; many, who truthfully or falsely claimed to have participated in some way, exalted the villainy as something beautiful and memorable. Later that year, Vitellius found more than one hundred and twenty applications from people demanding a reward for some significant action performed that day. He had them all tracked down and executed, not out of respect for Galba, but in keeping with the well established norm for rulers that whatever crimes give them security today must meet retribution at some point in the future.
XLV.
Alium crederes senatum, alium populum: ruere cuncti in castra, anteire proximos, certare cum praecurrentibus, increpare Galbam, laudare militum iudicium, exosculari Othonis manum; quantoque magis falsa erant quae fiebant, tanto plura facere. nec aspernabatur singulos Otho, avidum et minacem militum animum voce vultuque temperans. Marium Celsum, consulem designatum et Galbae usque in extremas res amicum fidumque, ad supplicium expostulabant, industriae eius innocentiaeque quasi malis artibus infensi. caedis et praedarum initium et optimo cuique perniciem quaeri apparebat, sed Othoni nondum auctoritas inerat ad prohibendum scelus: iubere iam poterat. ita simulatione irae vinciri iussum et maiores poenas daturum adfirmans praesenti exitio subtraxit.
45.
One would have thought it was not the same senate, the same people that now rushed to the praetorian camp, struggled for precedence, raced to overtake those ahead, cursed Galba, extolled the soldiers’ choice, kissed Otho’s hand: the more insincere their marks of affection, the more prodigal of them they were. Otho did not snub anyone and by his words and mien tried to moderate the ardor and grimness of the troops. They were clamoring for the execution of Marius Celsus, the consul designate and Galba’s faithful friend to the very end: his industry and honesty were resented as if they were vices. It was obvious they were seeking a pretext to engage in massacre and pillage and cause the ruin of every decent citizen. Otho did not as yet have sufficient authority to prevent crimes, but he had enough to order them. So he pretended to be angry with Celsus and ordered him arrested. By promising he would deal more severely with him later, he was able to rescue him from an impending end.
XLVI.
Omnia deinde arbitrio militum acta: praetorii praefectos sibi ipsi legere, Plotium Firmum e manipularibus quondam, tum vigilibus praepositum et incolumi adhuc Galba partis Othonis secutum; adiungitur Licinius Proculus, intima familiaritate Othonis suspectus consilia eius fovisse. urbi Flavium Sabinum praefecere, iudicium Neronis secuti, sub quo eandem curam obtinuerat, plerisque Vespasianum fratrem in eo respicientibus. flagitatum ut vacationes praestari centurionibus solitae remitterentur; namque gregarius miles ut tributum annuum pendebat. quarta pars manipuli sparsa per commeatus aut in ipsis castris vaga, dum mercedem centurioni exolveret, neque modum oneris quisquam neque genus quaestus pensi habebat: per latrocinia et raptus aut servilibus ministeriis militare otium redimebant. tum locupletissimus quisque miles labore ac saevitia fatigari donec vacationem emeret. ubi sumptibus exhaustus socordia insuper elanguerat, inops pro locuplete et iners pro strenuo in manipulum redibat, ac rursus alius atque alius, eadem egestate ac licentia corrupti, ad seditiones et discordias et ad extremum bella civilia ruebant. sed Otho ne vulgi largitione centurionum animos averteret, fiscum suum vacationes annuas exoluturum promisit, rem haud dubie utilem et a bonis postea principibus perpetuitate disciplinae firmatam. Laco praefectus, tamquam in insulam seponeretur, ab evocato, quem ad caedem eius Otho praemiserat, confossus; in Marcianum Icelum ut in libertum palam animadversum.
46.
Thereafter the soldiers had their way in everything, such as choosing their own prefect, Plotius Firmus, a former legionary, later head of the city watch and one of Otho’s supporters even while Galba was alive. He was given an associate, Licinius Proculus, a close friend of Otho, suspected for that reason of having seconded his plans. Flavius Sabinus was appointed city prefect, conforming in this with Nero’s choice, under whom he had held the same office, but many favored Sabinus because they saw in him his brother Vespasian. The troops pressed for the abolition of the payments usually made to centurions for exemptions from duty (in effect these were a kind of annual tribute the common soldier had to pay). A quarter of each maniple might be absent on furloughs or even lounging around the camp, provided the centurion had received his fee. No one scrupled about imposing an excessive charge nor cared how soldiers were to find the money. Robbery, looting, or the meanest occupations were the means used to purchase relief from military drudgery. It was also common practice to wear down the most affluent soldiers with hard work and ill-usage until they bought the dispensation. After spending all his money this way and being at the same time enervated by prolonged inactivity, a soldier would return to his unit penniless instead of prosperous, despondent instead of spirited. As more and more soldiers were in turn perverted by the same penury and lack of discipline, they were ready to plunge into sedition and discord, and ultimately into civil war. But Otho, to avoid alienating the goodwill of the centurions by gratifying the common sodiers, promised he would pay for the annual exemption fees out of the imperial revenue, an undoubtedly expedient measure observed by good emperors that came later as a permanent feature of the service. The prefect Laco was sent away, under pretext of confinement, to an island, but a reenlisted veteran, who had been sent ahead of Laco to the island to assassinate him, ran him through with a sword. Marcianus Icelus was dealt with publicly, as is the custom with freedmen.
XLVII.
Exacto per scelera die novissimum malorum fuit laetitia. vocat senatum praetor urbanus, certant adulationibus ceteri magistratus, adcurrunt patres: decernitur Othoni tribunicia potestas et nomen Augusti et omnes principum honores, adnitentibus cunctis abolere convicia ac probra, quae promisce iacta haesisse animo eius nemo sensit; omisisset offensas an distulisset brevitate imperii in incerto fuit. Otho cruento adhuc foro per stragem iacentium in Capitolium atque inde in Palatium vectus concedi corpora sepulturae cremarique permisit. Pisonem Verania uxor ac frater Scribonianus, Titum Vinium Crispina filia composuere, quaesitis redemptisque capitibus, quae venalia interfectores servaverant.
47.
After a day spent in crime, the last outrage was the rejoicing [that ended it]. The city praetor called the Senate together and all the other magistrates competed for primacy in adulation. Senators came rushing into the Curia to give Otho the powers of a tribune, the title of Augustus, and all the honors of a prince. Everyone was doing his utmost to make him forget all the mocks and insults flung at him [earlier] from all sides. Whether the injury had lodged in the depth of his heart no one had occasion to find out. Had he ignored the affronts or did he intend to avenge them later? The answer is uncertain in view of the brevity of his reign. The Forum was still covered with blood and strewn with corpses when Otho was borne through it to the Capitol, then to the imperial palace. He gave permission for the bodies to receive burial or be cremated. Piso was laid out by his wife Verania and his brother Scribonianus, Titus Vinius by his daughter Crispina, after they searched for and ransomed the heads which the assassins had kept as salable objects.
XLVIII.
Piso unum et tricensimum aetatis annum explebat, fama meliore quam fortuna. fratres eius Magnum Claudius, Crassum Nero interfecerant: ipse diu exul, quadriduo Caesar, properata adoptione ad hoc tantum maiori fratri praelatus est ut prior occideretur. Titus Vinius quinquaginta septem annos variis moribus egit. pater illi praetoria familia, maternus avus e proscriptis. prima militia infamis: legatum Calvisium Sabinum habuerat, cuius uxor mala cupidine visendi situm castrorum, per noctem militari habitu ingressa, cum vigilias et cetera militiae munia eadem lascivia temptasset, in ipsis principiis stuprum ausa, et criminis huius reus Titus Vinius arguebatur. igitur iussu G. Caesaris oneratus catenis, mox mutatione temporum dimissus, cursu honorum inoffenso legioni post praeturam praepositus probatusque servili deinceps probro respersus est tamquam scyphum aureum in convivio Claudii furatus, et Claudius postera die soli omnium Vinio fictilibus ministrari iussit. sed Vinius proconsulatu Galliam Narbonensem severe integreque rexit; mox Galbae amicitia in abruptum tractus, audax, callidus, promptus et, prout animum intendisset, pravus aut industrius, eadem vi. testamentum Titi Vinii magnitudine opum inritum, Pisonis supremam voluntatem paupertas firmavit.
48.
Piso, a man more famous than fortunate, was almost thirty-one years of age [when he died]. Of his brothers, Magnus had been put to death by Claudius, Crassus by Nero. He himself was long in exile, was Caesar for four days, and thanks to Galba’s precipitate adoption, derived no other benefit from being preferred to his elder brother Scibonianus than to be lilled before him. Titus Vinius lived fifty-seven years and had a checkered career. His father came from a family that counted praetors among its members; his maternal grandfather was one of the proscripts [under the second triumvirate]. The first taste of military life brought him dishonor. He had as legion commander Calvisius Sabinus, whose wife, driven by unseemly curiosity to visit the camp, entered it one night disguised as a soldier and, after indulging her caprice as far as trying out guard duty and performing other military functions, she ended up prostituting herself in the legion’s headquarters, no less. Titus Vinius was held responsible for the crime; therefore he was put in chains by Caligula’s orders, but was later released when times changed. He advanced through the ladder of public offices without setbacks and was given command of a legion after his praetorship, a post he filled creditably. Soon after, however, he stained his reputation by a sordid act, having purloined –so they say—a golden cup from Claudius’ table. So next day Claudius directed that he alone of all the guests be served using earthenware. But, as proconsul, Vinius governed Gallia Narbonensis with strict honesty. Then, as he was drawn towards his ruin by Galba’s friendship, he proved himself audacious, shrewd, and efficient and showed the same passionate zeal in both his callousness and his industry, as inclination moved him. His testament was annulled because of his immense fortune, but the last wishes of Piso, who was poor, were respected.
XLIX.
Galbae corpus diu neglectum et licentia tenebrarum plurimis ludibriis vexatum dispensator Argius e prioribus servis humili sepultura in privatis eius hortis contexit. caput per lixas calonesque suffixum laceratumque ante Patrobii tumulum (libertus is Neronis punitus a Galba fuerat) postera demum die repertum et cremato iam corpori admixtum est. hunc exitum habuit Servius Galba, tribus et septuaginta annis quinque principes prospera fortuna emensus et alieno imperio felicior quam suo. vetus in familia nobilitas, magnae opes: ipsi medium ingenium, magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus. famae nec incuriosus nec venditator; pecuniae alienae non adpetens, suae parcus, publicae avarus; amicorum libertorumque, ubi in bonos incidisset, sine reprehensione patiens, si mali forent, usque ad culpam ignarus. sed claritas natalium et metus temporum obtentui, ut, quod segnitia erat, sapientia vocaretur. dum vigebat aetas militari laude apud Germanas floruit. pro consule Africam moderate, iam senior citeriorem Hispaniam pari iustitia continuit, maior privato visus dum privatus fuit, et omnium consensu capax imperii nisi imperasset.
49.
Galba’s body, long abandoned and exposed to all kinds of abuse, thanks to the impunity afforded by darkness, was given a humble burial in his private gardens by Argius, his steward and one of his former slaves. The head, which some camp provisioners and servants had affixed to a [stake] and mangled horribly in front of the tumulus of Petrobius’ –Nero’s freedman executed by Galba – was finally found the next day and reunited with the ashes of the body already cremated. Thus Galba exited the world at seventy-three years of age. He had lived under five princes with fortune’s favor and was happier in the reign of others than in his own. He came of a family of ancient nobility and was possessed of great wealth. [As to his natural gifts], he was a man of average intelligence, more notable for the absence of vices than for the presence of virtues. He was neither insensitive to glory nor obsessed by it. Of another man’s money he was not covetous, of his own he was sparing, of the state’s miserly. He treated friends and freedmen, if he chanced to find any that were decent, with blameless indulgence; when they were not so, he could be imperceptive to a fault. But his high birth and the dangers of the times helped conceal what was in fact incompetence and made it pass for wisdom. In the prime of life he gained fame for his military successes in Germany. As proconsul he governed Africa with temperance. When already late in years, he ruled Nearer Spain with equal justice. He was always seen as more than a private citizen as long as he remained one. The general view was that he was capable of being emperor, if only he had not been one.
L.
Trepidam urbem ac simul atrocitatem recentis sceleris, simul veteres Othonis mores paventem novus insuper de Vitellio nuntius exterruit, ante caedem Galbae suppressus ut tantum superioris Germaniae exercitum descivisse crederetur. tum duos omnium mortalium impudicitia ignavia luxuria deterrimos velut ad perdendum imperium fataliter electos non senatus modo et eques, quis aliqua pars et cura rei publicae, sed vulgus quoque palam maerere. nec iam recentia saevae pacis exempla sed repetita bellorum civilium memoria captam totiens suis exercitibus urbem, vastitatem Italiae, direptiones provinciarum, Pharsaliam Philippos et Perusiam ac Mutinam, nota publicarum cladium nomina, loquebantur. prope eversum orbem etiam cum de principatu inter bonos certaretur, sed mansisse G. Iulio, mansisse Caeare Augusto victore imperium; mansuram fuisse sub Pompeio Brutoque rem publicam: nunc pro Othone an pro Vitellio in templa ituros? utrasque impias preces, utraque detestanda vota inter duos, quorum bello solum id scires, deteriorem fore qui vicisset. erant qui Vespasianum et arma Orientis augurarentur, et ut potior utroque Vespasianus, ita bellum aliud atque alias cladis horrebant. et ambigua de Vespasiano fama, solusque omnium ante se principum in melius mutatus est.
50.
The disquiet in the city, still trembling both at the sight of the recent atrocities and at the prospect of a disreputable character like Otho becoming emperor, was aggravated by fresh news of Vitellius. It had been suppressed before Galba’s death to create the impression that only the army of Upper Germany had revolted. Then not only the Senate and the knights, who had some stake in and took to heart the affairs of the state, but even the common people openly lamented that two of the most despicable people in the world for their immorality, idleness, and dissipation had been seemingly chosen by some fate to destroy the empire. They dwelt no longer on their recent taste of a cruel peace, but on the often repeated experience of civil wars. Now the talk was all of Rome being taken time and again by her own armies, of the devastation of Italy, of the sack of provinces, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, Mutina, all names made famous by public disasters. The world was stood almost on its head, [they brooded], even when the fight for power was between men of fine mettle, but the empire did survive with Julius Caesar’s victory, it did survive with Caesar Augustus’s victory, in the same way that the Republic would have survived under Pompey and Brutus. But now, was it for an Otho, was it for a Vitellius that they were going to pray in the temples? In either case their prayers would be impious and their vows for one or the other detestable. In this struggle one thing was certain, namely that the victor would be the worse of the two. There were some who foresaw the advent of Vespasian and of the army of the east, but though Vespasian was preferable to either of the two, they recoiled from the thought of another war and more bloodshed. Besides, Vespasian’s fame left room for doubts: in fact he alone, unlike any of the emperors preceding him, surpassed expectations [after he came to the throne].