LXXI.
Otho interim contra spem omnium non deliciis neque desidia torpescere: dilatae voluptates, dissimulata luxuria et cuncta ad decorem imperii composita, eoque plus formidinis adferebant falsae virtutes et vitia reditura. Marium Celsum consulem designatum, per speciem vinculorum saevitiae militum subtractum, acciri in Capitolium iubet; clementiae titulus e viro claro et partibus inviso petebatur. Celsus constanter servatae erga Galbam fidei crimen confessus, exemplum ultro imputavit. nec Otho quasi ignosceret sed, ne hostem metueret, deos testis mutuae reconciliationis adhibens, statim inter intimos amicos habuit et mox bello inter duces delegit, mansitque Celso velut fataliter etiam pro Othone fides integra et infelix. laeta primoribus civitatis, celebrata in vulgus Celsi salus ne militibus quidem ingrata fuit, eandem virtutem admirantibus cui irascebantur.
71.
During this time Otho, contrary to everyone’s expectations, wasted no time in luxury and sloth. Reserving pleasure for later days and repressing his bent for dissipation, he radically changed his life to match the dignity of the imperial office. But his display of virtue raised even greater fears that it was all a sham and that his vices would one day certainly resurface. He had the consul-elect Marius Celsus, the man he had rescued from the soldiers’ violence by ostensibly throwing him in jail, summoned to the Capitol. He designed to gain credit for his clemency towards a prominent citizen hostile to his party. Celsus confessed his crime of having remained constant in his fidelity to Galba and even made a merit of the example he had set. Otho, without appearing to forgive him, called on the gods to witness their mutual reconciliation and, to avoid having to fear him as an enemy, at once admitted him to his circle of intimate friends, later choosing him to direct the war with the other generals. By some decree of fate –or so it seems—Celsus’ loyalty to Otho was also as constant as it was unlucky. His reprieve gave joy to the leading class of Rome, was acclaimed by the common people, and even pleased the soldiers, who now admired the very virtue that had stirred their anger.
LXXII.
Par inde exultatio disparibus causis consecuta impetrato Tigellini exitio. Ofonius Tigellinus obscuris parentibus, foeda pueritia, impudica senecta, praefecturam vigilum et praetorii et alia praemia virtutum, quia velocius erat, vitiis adeptus, crudelitatem mox, deinde avaritiam, virilia scelera, exercuit, corrupto ad omne facinus Nerone, quaedam ignaro ausus, ac postremo eiusdem desertor ac proditor: unde non alium pertinacius ad poenam flagitaverunt, diverso adfectu, quibus odium Neronis inerat et quibus desiderium. apud Galbam Titi Vinii potentia defensus, praetexentis servatam ab eo filiam. haud dubie servaverat, non clementia, quippe tot interfectis, sed effugium in futurum, quia pessimus quisque diffidentia praesentium mutationem pavens adversus publicum odium privatam gratiam praeparat: unde nulla innocentiae cura sed vices impunitatis. eo infensior populus, addita ad vetus Tigellini odium recenti Titi Vinii invidia, concurrere ex tota urbe in Palatium ac fora et, ubi plurima vulgi licentia, in circum ac theatra effusi seditiosis vocibus strepere, donec Tigellinus accepto apud Sinuessanas aquas supremae necessitatis nuntio inter stupra concubinarum et oscula et deformis moras sectis novacula faucibus infamem vitam foedavit etiam exitu sero et inhonesto.
72.
Later, when Tigellinus was condemned to death, there was similar exultation but for opposite reasons. Ofonius Tigellinus, born of obscure parents, had a disgusting boyhood and a shameful old age. He wangled command of the watch and later of the Praetorian Guard, his vices providing a shortcut to these and other rewards usually reserved for virtue. Next, he indulged first in cruelty, then in avarice, the criminal marks of mature years. He schooled Nero in all sorts of iniquities, was not backward in adding a few crimes of his own behind his back, and in the end abandoned and betrayed him. That is why no one’s death was more peremptorily demanded [than Tigellinus’], though for contrary sentiments, both by those who hated Nero and those who pined for him. Under Galba he was protected by the power of Titus Vinius, whose excuse was that Tigellinus had saved his daughter [Crispina]. Unquestionably he had done so, but certainly not out of mercy (if one considers the many he had murdered), rather to ensure a future way of escape, for the most consummate villains distrust their present good fortune and, in their fear of change, rely on the gratitude of those they benefit as a defense against public odium. Thus they have no use for innocence [in avoiding punishment]; instead they place thir trust in an exchange of immunity. What goaded people to such fury and added to their old resentment against Tigellinus was the recent unpopularity of Titus Vinius. From all corners of the city they rushed to the imperial palace and to the adjacent squares, pressed into the circus and the theaters, where mob’s license is greatest, and raised an uproar of seditious shouts. Finally Tigellinus, who was at the watering place of Sinuessa, upon receiving news that his final hour had come and after shameful delays spent in amorous play and embraces with his concubines, cut his throat with a razor, thus staining even further his disreputable life by a belated and ignoble end.
LXXIII.
Per idem tempus expostulata ad supplicium Calvia Crispinilla variis frustrationibus et adversa dissimulantis principis fama periculo exempta est. magistra libidinum Neronis, transgressa in Africam ad instigandum in arma Clodium Macrum, famem populo Romano haud obscure molita, totius postea civitatis gratiam obtinuit, consulari matrimonio subnixa et apud Galbam Othonem Vitellium inlaesa, mox potens pecunia et orbitate, quae bonis malisque temporibus iuxta valent.
73.
About this time, the punishment of Calvia Crispinilla was also loudly demanded, but she escaped danger thanks to various subterfuges on Otho’s part, who lost much credit for turning a blind eye. Nero’s mentor in debauchery, she had crossed over to Africa to incite Clodius Macer to take up arms. She also tried, beyond the shadow of a doubt, to starve the people of Rome. Later she won back the favor of the entire city on the strength of her marriage with an ex-consul and lived undisturbed under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. She soon became powerful on account of her great wealth and childless status, advantages equally important in good as well as in bad times.
LXXIV.
Crebrae interim et muliebribus blandimentis infectae ab Othone ad Vitellium epistulae offerebant pecuniam et gratiam et quemcumque [e] quietis prodigae vitae legisset. paria Vitellius ostentabat, primo mollius, stulta utrimque et indecora simulatione, mox quasi rixantes stupra ac flagitia in vicem obiectavere, neuter falso. Otho, revocatis quos Galba miserat legatis, rursus ad utrumque Germanicum exercitum et ad legionem Italicam easque quae Lugduni agebant copias specie senatus misit. legati apud Vitellium remansere, promptius quam ut retenti viderentur; praetoriani, quos per simulationem officii legatis Otho adiunxerat, remissi antequam legionibus miscerentur. addidit epistulas Fabius Valens nomine Germanici exercitus ad praetorias et urbanas cohortis de viribus partium magnificas et concordiam offerentis; increpabat ultro quod tanto ante traditum Vitellio imperium ad Othonem vertissent.
74.
Otho, meanwhile, held frequent correspondence with Vitellius, sending messages tarnished by womanish blandishments: he offered him money, protection, and any retreat he might choose wherein to lead a life of pleasure. Vitellius offered back the same inducements, rather amicably at first on both sides, but soon this foolish and undignified pretense gave way to an exchange of gross insults, such as are traded in a brawl, each flinging up in the other’s face his scandalous life and neither being off the mark. After recalling the deputation sent {to Germany] by Galba, Otho again despatched envoys, ostensibly in the Senate’s name, to both armies of Germany, to the Italica legion, and to the other forces stationed at Lyon. The envoys remained with Vitellius too readily to make it appear they had been prevented from leaving. The praetorian guards Otho had added to the delegation to enhance its prestige were sent back before they had time to mingle with the legionary troops. Fabius Valens entrusted them with letters, written in the name of the German army and addressed to the praetorian and urban cohorts, in which he extolled the strength of Vitellius’ party and offered peace. He also chided the guards severely for transferring to Otho an empire assigned long before to Vitellius.
LXXV.
Ita promissis simul ac minis temptabantur, ut bello impares, in pace nihil amissuri; neque ideo praetorianorum fides mutata. sed insidiatores ab Othone in Germaniam, a Vitellio in urbem missi. utrisque frustra fuit, Vitellianis inpune, per tantam hominum multitudinem mutua ignorantia fallentibus: Othoniani novitate vultus, omnibus in vicem gnaris, prodebantur. Vitellius litteras ad Titianum fratrem Othonis composuit, exitium ipsi filioque eius minitans ni incolumes sibi mater ac liberi servarentur. et stetit domus utraque, sub Othone incertum an metu: Vitellius victor clementiae gloriam tulit.
75.
The praetorians were thus tempted by both promises and threats: they were too weak for war, [Valens’ message said], and had nothing to lose by accepting peace. Yet their loyalty never wavered. Instead, assassins were sent to Germany by Otho and by Vitellius to Rome. Neither the ones nor the others accomplished anything, but, whereas Vitellius’ agents, lost in the vast multitude of the city (where people are strangers to one another), went undetected and unpunished, Otho’s men, being new faces among troops where each man knew his comrades by sight, were exposed. Vitellius wrote a letter to Titianus, Otho’s brother, threatening to kill him and his son, unless the safety of his own mother and children was assured. Both families were in fact spared, in Otho’s case perhaps out of fear. As for Vitellius, he deserved full credit, for he showed clemency after his victory.
LXXVI.
Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex Illyrico nuntius iurasse in eum Dalmatiae ac Pannoniae et Moesiae legiones. idem ex Hispania adlatum laudatusque per edictum Cluvius Rufus: set statim cognitum est conversam ad Vitellium Hispaniam. ne Aquitania quidem, quamquam ab Iulio Cordo in verba Othonis obstricta, diu mansit. nusquam fides aut amor: metu ac necessitate huc illuc mutabantur. eadem formido provinciam Narbonensem ad Vitellium vertit, facili transitu ad proximos et validiores. longinquae provinciae et quidquid armorum mari dirimitur penes Othonem manebat, non partium studio, sed erat grande momentum in nomine urbis ac praetexto senatus, et occupaverat animos prior auditus. Iudaicum exercitum Vespasianus, Syriae legiones Mucianus sacramento Othonis adegere; simul Aegyptus omnesque versae in Orientem provinciae nomine eius tenebantur. idem Africae obsequium, initio Carthagine orto neque expectata Vipstani Aproniani proconsulis auctoritate: Crescens Neronis libertus (nam et hi malis temporibus partem se rei publicae faciunt) epulum plebi ob laetitiam recentis imperii obtulerat, et populus pleraque sine modo festinavit. Carthaginem ceterae civitates secutae.
76.
The first news that gave Otho confidence in success came from Illyricum: the legions of Dalmatia, Pannonia, and Moesia had sworn him allegiance. Similar news arrived from Spain, a circumstance that earned [its governor], Cluvius Rufus, official praise [from Otho] in an edict, but soon it became known that Spain had shifted its allegiance to Vitellius. Not even Aquitania stayed long with Otho, for all that its governor Julius Cordus had tied the province to Otho by oath. No loyalty or affection anywhere: fear and necessity forced men in this or that direction. The same fear pushed Gallia Narbonensis to join Vitellius, an easy decision to make, as his armies were both closer and more powerful. The distant provinces and any forces stationed beyond the sea remained with Otho, not out of love for his party, but because the name of Rome and the grandeur of the Senate had great weight in the balance. Besides, minds were predisposed in his favor in that he had been the first claimant to the throne they had heard of. The army of Judea under Vespasian and the legions of Syria under Mucianus declared for Otho; Egypt and all the eastern provinces were governed in his name. Africa was no less obedient, after Carthage had given the signal without waiting for orders from Vipstanus Apronianus, the proconsular governor. Crescens, one of Nero’s freedmen (for in evil times even nonentities like this fellow carve out for themslves a role in public affairs), had offered the populace a banquet to celebrate the new emperor and the people did their part with uncommon alacrity [to show their approval]. Carthage’s example was followed by all the other cities.
LXXVII.
Sic distractis exercitibus ac provinciis Vitellio quidem ad capessendam principatus fortunam bello opus erat, Otho ut in multa pace munia imperii obibat, quaedam ex dignitate rei publicae, pleraque contra decus ex praesenti usu properando. consul cum Titiano fratre in kalendas Martias ipse; proximos mensis Verginio destinat ut aliquod exercitui Germanico delenimentum; iungitur Verginio Pompeius Vopiscus praetexto veteris amicitiae; plerique Viennensium honori datum interpretabantur. ceteri consulatus ex destinatione Neronis aut Galbae mansere, Caelio ac Flavio Sabinis in Iulias, Arrio Antonino et Mario Celso in Septembris, quorum honoribus ne Vitellius quidem victor intercessit. sed Otho pontificatus auguratusque honoratis iam senibus cumulum dignitatis addidit, aut recens ab exilio reversos nobilis adulescentulos avitis ac paternis sacerdotiis in solacium recoluit. redditus Cadio Rufo, Pedio Blaeso, Saevino P . . . senatorius locus. repetundarum criminibus sub Claudio ac Nerone ceciderant: placuit ignoscentibus verso nomine, quod avaritia fuerat, videri maiestatem, cuius tum odio etiam bonae leges peribant.
77.
The armies and the provinces being split in this manner, Vitellius had really no choice but fight a war to capture the imperial prize. Otho went on governing the empire as if there were no threats to peace. Some of his actions were in keeping with the dignity of the state, but more often he took questionable shortcuts to meet the needs of the moment. He made himself consul, with his brother Titianus, until the beginning of March. To mollify to some extent the army of Germany, he assigned the months following to Verginius, with Pompeius Vopiscus as colleague, alleging they were good friends, but many thought the choice was meant to honor the people of Vienna. The remaining consulships for the year were left as Nero or Galba had assigned them: to Caelius and Flavius Sabinus until the first of July, to Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus until the first of September. Vitellius himself, once he was the winner, did not interfere with these nominations. On the other hand, Otho conferred, as added distinction, the honors of pontifex and augur on old magistrates who had already served in the highest offices or made available to young nobles recently returned from exile, by way of compensation, the priesthoods once held by their fathers or forefathers. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P…, who under Claudius and Nero had been found guilty of extorsion [while governors of provinces], were readmitted to the senatorial order. Those who pardoned them thought it more expedient to change the name of the charge, which had been avarice, to treason, a charge so hateful at the time [for its abuses], that even good statutes lost all force.
LXXVIII.
Eadem largitione civitatum quoque ac provinciarum animos adgressus Hispalensibus et Emeritensibus familiarum adiectiones, Lingonibus universis civitatem Romanam, provinciae Baeticae Maurorum civitates dono dedit; nova iura Cappadociae, nova Africae, ostentata magis quam mansura. inter quae necessitate praesentium rerum et instantibus curis excusata ne tum quidem immemor amorum statuas Poppaeae per senatus consultum reposuit; creditus est etiam de celebranda Neronis memoria agitavisse spe vulgum adliciendi. et fuere qui imagines Neronis proponerent: atque etiam Othoni quibusdam diebus populus et miles, tamquam nobilitatem ac decus adstruerent, Neroni Othoni adclamavit. ipse in suspenso tenuit, vetandi metu vel agnoscendi pudore.
78.
In the same spirit of generosity, Otho tried to secure the support of municipalities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent new families, to all the Lingones he gave the rights of Roman citizenship, and to the province of Baetica he added certain communities of Mauritania. New rights were granted to the provinces of Cappadocia and Africa, more to make a good impression than to be of lasting advantage. Even while introducing these changes, which could be justified by the needs of the time and the cares pressing down on him, Otho did not forget his old paramours and had Poppaea’s statues reinstated by a decree of the Senate. It was even believed that he pushed the idea of having Nero’s memory officially celebrated, hoping to attract the goodwill of the multitude. In fact, some people exposed to public view the images of Nero and there were times when he himself was acclaimed as Nero Otho by both the people and the soldiers, who thought that by so doing they were adding to his nobility and lustre. Otho left the matter undecided, perhaps afraid to forbid or ashamed to accept the title.
LXXIX.
Conversis ad civile bellum animis externa sine cura habebantur. eo audentius Rhoxolani, Sarmatica gens, priore hieme caesis duabus cohortibus, magna spe Moesiam inruperant, ad novem milia equitum, ex ferocia et successu praedae magis quam pugnae intenta. igitur vagos et incuriosos tertia legio adiunctis auxiliis repente invasit. apud Romanos omnia proelio apta: Sarmatae dispersi aut cupidine praedae graves onere sarcinarum et lubrico itinerum adempta equorum pernicitate velut vincti caedebantur. namque mirum dictu ut sit omnis Sarmatarum virtus velut extra ipsos. nihil ad pedestrem pugnam tam ignavum: ubi per turmas advenere vix ulla acies obstiterit. sed tum umido die et soluto gelu neque conti neque gladii, quos praelongos utraque manu regunt, usui, lapsantibus equis et catafractarum pondere. id principibus et nobilissimo cuique tegimen, ferreis lamminis aut praeduro corio consertum, ut adversus ictus impenetrabile ita impetu hostium provolutis inhabile ad resurgendum; simul altitudine et mollitia nivis hauriebantur. Romanus miles facilis lorica et missili pilo aut lanceis adsultans, ubi res posceret, levi gladio inermem Sarmatam (neque enim scuto defendi mos est) comminus fodiebat, donec pauci qui proelio superfuerant paludibus abderentur. ibi saevitia hiemis aut vulnerum absumpti. postquam id Romae compertum, M. Aponius Moesiam obtinens triumphali statua, Fulvus Aurelius et Iulianus Tettius ac Numisius Lupus, legati legionum, consularibus ornamentis donantur, laeto Othone et gloriam in se trahente, tamquam et ipse felix bello et suis ducibus suisque exercitibus rem publicam auxisset.
79.
With all attention fixed on civil broils, foreign wars were diregarded. This neglect had emboldened the Rhoxolani, a Sarmatian people, to break boldly into Moesia, after destroying two cohorts the previous winter. Their number was about nine thousand horsemen, whose bellicose nature and recent success made them more attentive to plunder than to fighting. As a result, when the Third legion, with its auxiliary troops, attacked them, they were caught spread out and off guard. On the Roman side all was arranged for combat, but the Sarmatians were disorganized and, in their hunger for pillage, encumbered with heavy loads. Because of the slippery terrain, they lost the advantage of their horses’ speed and were all massacred as easily as if they had been chained. In fact, it is incredible how their courage is seemingly all exterior to themselves: nothing compares to their cowardice when fighting on foot, whereas hardly any body of troops could resist their cavalry charge. But on the day of the battle it was raining, the ice was melting, and neither their spears nor their swords, which are excessively long and wielded with both hands, were of any use, what with the horses losing their footing and the enormous weight of their scale armor. Such armor or cataphract, worn for protection by their chiefs and nobles, consists of plates of iron or hard leather joined together; though resistant to any blow, it also makes it difficult for the rider to get up again, if unhorsed in combat. Besides, the snow was then deep and soft and the Sarmatians sank deep in it. The Roman soldier, agile under his light breastplate, attacked them with his maniable javelin or spears, or, whenever occasion demanded, closed with them using his brief sword and ran them through unresisted, for it is not their custom to have recourse to a shield for protection. A few who survived the battle hid in the marshes, where the rigors of winter and the severity of their wounds ended their lives. When news of the victory reached Rome, the governor of Moesia, Marcus Aponius, was awarded a triumphal statue. The legion commanders Fulvus Aurelius, Julianus Tettius, and Numisius Lupus were presented with consular ornaments. Otho was jubilant and appropriated all the glory for himself, as if he had personally strengthened the state by his good fortune in a war fought by his generals and his armies.
LXXX.
Parvo interim initio, unde nihil timebatur, orta seditio prope urbi excidio fuit. septimam decimam cohortem e colonia Ostiensi in urbem acciri Otho iusserat; armandae eius cura Vario Crispino tribuno e praetorianis data. is quo magis vacuus quietis castris iussa exequeretur, vehicula cohortis incipiente nocte onerari aperto armamentario iubet. tempus in suspicionem, causa in crimen, adfectatio quietis in tumultum evaluit, et visa inter temulentos arma cupidinem sui movere. fremit miles et tribunos centurionesque proditionis arguit, tamquam familiae senatorum ad perniciem Othonis armarentur, pars ignari et vino graves, pessimus quisque in occasionem praedarum, vulgus, ut mos est, cuiuscumque motus novi cupidum; et obsequia meliorum nox abstulerat. resistentem seditioni tribunum et severissimos centurionum obtruncant; rapta arma, nudari gladii; insidentes equis urbem ac Palatium petunt.
80.
In the meantime, from a small incident that at first caused no concern, disorders broke out, which were nearly the ruin of Rome. Otho had ordered the Seventeenth cohort transferred from the colony at Ostia to Rome and had assigned the task of furnishing it with arm to Varius Crispinus, one of the praetorian tribunes. To carry out the order with greater freedom while the camp was asleep, Crispinus directed that the arsenal be opened and the wagons of the cohort loaded at nightfall. The time raised suspicion, the intent seemed criminal, Crispinus’ desire for quiet led to great commotion, and the sight of arms among drunken soldiers awoke the urge to seize them. The soldiers’ mood turned ugly: they accused the tribunes and the centurions of treason, claiming that the slaves of the senatorial household were being armed to destroy Otho. Heavy with wine, many spoke in complete ignorance of the facts; the worst among them looked for a pretext to start looting; the multitude, as usual, was eager for new developments, no matter what kind. As for the better men, darkness had made their good offices useless. The tribune Crispinus was killed while trying to control the unrest, as were the strictest of the centurions. Grabbing weapons, baring swords, the seditious mob mounted horses and made straight for the city and the imperial palace.